Benjamin Page

Benjamin Page untersucht anhand der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik jene Faktoren, die für den Erhalt bzw. den Niedergang von Autokratien in Krisenzeiten ursächlich sind. Dies geschieht aus der Perspektive der zentralen Akteure aufseiten des Staates – den Regimeeliten. Dabei beschränkt er sich nicht auf die „heiße Phase“ des Umbruchs, sondern blickt auf Zerfallserscheinungen, die sich im Laufe der Zeit entwickeln. Im ersten Fall (Volksaufstand 1953) standen die Regimeeliten vor den Herausforderungen einer gerade von außen implementierten Autokratie, während sie sich im zweiten Fall (Friedliche Revolution 1989) mit den Ermüdungs- und Abnutzungserscheinungen einer vier Jahrzehnte bestehenden Diktatur auseinandersetzen mussten. In beiden Fällen weist die finale Krisenphase, trotz aller Divergenzen, Berührungspunkte auf. Der „Neue Kurs“ 1953 und die „Wendepolitik“ im Herbst 1989 sollten das autokratische System stabilisieren, erfüllten diesen Zweck jedoch nicht.

It is widely believed that most Americans not only distrust but also despise China. Considering the country's violent political history, unprecedented economic rise, and growing military capabilities, China has become America's strongest market competitor and arguably the most challenging global threat to the United States. Nevertheless, a full consideration of American opinion proves the opposite to be true. Carefully analyzing all available polls and surveys, Benjamin I. Page and Tao Xie find most Americans favor peaceful engagement with China. The public view has been surprisingly coherent and consistent, changing only in response to major events and new information. While a majority of Americans are not happy that China's economy is projected to become as large as that of the United States, they are prepared to live with it. "Unfair" Chinese trade practices and their impact on American jobs and wages are a concern, along with the quality and safety of Chinese-made goods. However, Americans favor free trade with China, provided it is tempered with environmental and workplace protections. They also believe that the United States should "balance" Chinese power through alliances with neighboring countries, such as Japan. Yet they oppose military action to defend Taiwan. Page and Xie examine these opinions in relation to facts about China and in light of current U. S. debates on diplomacy and policy.

This much needed perspective represents a first step in the exploration of a long-ignored dimension of Marxist thought. Contributors, both Marxist and non-Marxist, from various countries reflect on such concerns as: the spiritual implications of Marxism and its critiques of economic determinism, alienation, and religion; what Marxism has to say to the more urgent spiritual issues of our time; and legacy of Marxism in a post-Soviet world. Spirituality here refers less to religion than to questions of moral and esthetic value; issues of freedom, creativity, transcendence, and community; the meaning of life and of the struggle to create a better world. This book begins with a brief section from Trotsky and Che Guevara, and Vivian Gornick's work on American Communism, and with overviews of questions of spirituality in pre- and early Soviet Russian thought and in Western Marxism. It then presents the views of several contemporary Marxists, and concludes with contributions on spiritual issues in Marxism's dialogues with Christianity in both East Europe and Latin America, and with Buddhism.