Dirk van Laak

A comprehensive history and examination of global infrastructures and the outsized role they play in our lives. Infrastructure is essential to defining how the public functions, yet there is little public knowledge regarding why and how it became today's strongest global force over government and individual lives. Who should build and maintain infrastructures? How are they to be protected? And why are they all in such bad shape? In Lifelines of Our Society, Dirk van Laak offers broad audiences a history of global infrastructures--focused on Western societies, over the past two hundred years--that considers all their many paradoxes. He illustrates three aspects of infrastructure: their development, their influence on nation building and colonialism, and finally, how individuals internalize infrastructure and increasingly become not only its user but regulator. Beginning with public works, infrastructure in the nineteenth century carried the hope that it would facilitate world peace. Van Laak shows how, instead, it transformed to promote consumerism's individual freedoms and our notions of work, leisure, and fulfillment. Lifelines of Our Society reveals how today's infrastructure is both a source and a reflection of concentrated power and economic growth, which takes the form of cities under permanent construction. Symbols of power, van Laak describes, come with vulnerability, and this book illustrates the dual nature of infrastructure's potential to hold nostalgia and inspire fear, to ease movement and govern ideas, and to bring independence to the nuclear family and control governments of the Global South.

Over the course of 150 years, Europe's protean technologies inspired and underpinned the globalizing ambitions of European nations. This book aims to show how technology mediated European influence in the rest of the world and how this mediation in turn transformed Europeans. Europeans mapped, they exploited, and they exchanged - their interactions ranged from technological and biological genocide to treaties of cooperation and the construction of elaborate colonial infrastructures. Quite aside from the enormous variety of political settings, cultures and colonial programs, interrelations created dependencies on both sides. Cultural transfers were rarely unidirectional, and often a kind of Pidgin-knowledge emerged, a hybrid fusion of European and local knowledge and skills. As observers have rightly pointed out, Europe played both the role of 'Prometheus unbound' and the 'Sorcerer's apprentice'.

Over the course of 150 years, Europe's protean technologies inspired and underpinned the globalizing ambitions of European nations. This book aims to show how technology mediated European influence in the rest of the world and how this mediation in turn transformed Europeans. Europeans mapped, they exploited, and they exchanged - their interactions ranged from technological and biological genocide to treaties of cooperation and the construction of elaborate colonial infrastructures. Quite aside from the enormous variety of political settings, cultures and colonial programs, interrelations created dependencies on both sides. Cultural transfers were rarely unidirectional, and often a kind of Pidgin-knowledge emerged, a hybrid fusion of European and local knowledge and skills. As observers have rightly pointed out, Europe played both the role of 'Prometheus unbound' and the 'Sorcerer's apprentice'.

Dieses Buch verfolgt am Beispiel Deutschlands die Entstehung und die Auswirkungen des modernen Imperialismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Dirk van Laak schildert die Vorgeschichte, den geistigen Hintergrund und den Verlauf der deutschen Kolonial- und Weltpolitik. Er widmet sich dabei neben den deutschen Kolonien auch den Versuchen einer imperialen Durchdringung Südosteuropas bis nach Bagdad sowie der Eroberung von "Lebensraum" im Osten bis nach Stalingrad. Der Autor kann dabei eindrücklich zeigen, daß der Imperialismus als folgenschwere Etappe der Globalisierung verstanden werden muß, die gerade in Deutschland von nationaler Verunsicherung und chauvinistischer Übersteigerung gekennzeichnet war.

Mit Schmitt ragte der Trager eines Traditionsbestandes politischen Denkens in die Zeit der fruhen Bundesrepublik hinein, von dem sich abzugrenzen in den 50er Jahren Ubereinkunft zu herrschen schien. Aber schon die Art, wie er seine eigene kompromittierende Vergangenheit als intellektueller Kollaborateur des, Dritten Reiches' verarbeitete, fuhrte Schmitt erneut Gesprachspartner zu. Diese Freundeskreise erganzten sich nach und nach durch immer weitere Interessenten zu einem netzwerkartigen Gesprachszusammenhang. Dessen Heterogenitat und die Vielfalt der Rezeptionsweisen seiner Theoreme stand zu dem Bild, welches sich mit dem Namen Carl Schmitt in der offiziellen politischen Kultur verknupfte, in einer irritierenden Spannung. These der Arbeit ist, dass sich aus dieser Spannung auf wichtige Merkmale der Intellektuellengeschichte der fruhen Bundesrepublik insgesamt ruckschliessen lasst."