Hossein Askari

This book explains a perspective on the system of justice that emerges in Islam if rules are followed and how the Islamic system is differentiated from the conventional thinking on justice. It examines conceptions of justice from the Enlightenment to Bentham to Rawls to contemporary philosophers including Sen, Cohen, Nussbaum, and Pogge. The authors present the views of twentieth century Muslim thinkers on justice who see Muslims upholding rituals but not living according to Qur’anic rules. It provides empirical surveys of the current state of justice in Muslim countries analyzing the economic, social, and political state of affairs. The authors conclude by assessing the state of justice-injustice in Muslim countries and highlighting areas in need of attention for justice to prevail.

This book examines the conceptions of justice from Zarathustra to Islam. The text explores the conceptions of justice by Zarathustra, Ancient Egypt, India, Mesopotamia, Noah, Abraham, and Moses. During the Axial Age (800-200BCE), the focus of justice is in India, China, and Greece. In the post-Axial age, the focus is on Christianity. The authors then turn to Islam, where justice is conceived as a system, which emerges if the Qur’anic rules are followed. This work concludes with the views of early Muslim thinkers and on how these societies deteriorated after the death of the Prophet. The monograph is ideal for those interested in the conception of justice through the ages, Islamic studies, political Islam, and issues of peace and justice.

This book explores how the recent development of Muslim countries as a group has fallen far short of non-Muslim countries, which, some have concluded, may be a result of Islamic teachings. The authors examine Muslim countries over time, viewing their progression on the Islamicity scale. They assess why some countries have done better than others, and to derive useful policy recommendations to improve political, social, human, governance and economic performance.

Resource Rich Muslim Countries and Islamic Institutional Reforms explores the "resource curse," a condition in which a country’s abundance of natural resources is negatively linked with the country’s development and economic growth, in resource rich Muslim countries. The resource curse puzzle has been studied for over twenty years, with prior researchers looking to prove its existence and explore its causes. Recent studies have begun to indicate institutional failure as a likely cause of the curse, as wealth of resources tends to cause counterproductive behaviors such as rent-seeking, patronage and corruption. The subpar economic performance of resource rich Muslim countries in the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) could be attributed to the manifestation of a resource curse. Collectively, the member countries of the OIC contribute over 9% of the world’s total GDP with 22.8% of the world’s population. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates alone contribute about 17% of world oil production. Resource rich Muslim countries should be at the forefront of economic performance and growth, yet we see the opposite when we compare the performance of these countries to countries that are not resource rich (such as Spain, France, Hong Kong and Japan). Through an analysis of sample countries, the authors have discovered that natural resources exert a drag on the countries’ economic growth, thereby indicating the presence of the resource curse. Their research also found weaknesses in the quality of institutions as the cause of the curse. To counteract the negative effects of the resource curse in resource rich Muslim countries, the authors provide a number of Islamic institutional reforms.

The extent of Islamicity, or what Islam demands, is measured to confirm that self-declared Muslim countries have not adopted foundational Islamic teachings for rule-compliant Muslim communities. Western countries, on the other hand, are demonstrated to have better implemented fundamental Islamic teachings for a thriving society.

This book provides an introduction to the vision of an economic system based completely on the Holy Qur’an—a system defined as a collection of institutions, representing rules of behavior, prescribed by Allah for humans, and the traditions of the Messenger. The authors argue that the main reason for the economic underperformance of Muslim countries and their economies has been non-compliance with the prescribed rules of behavior. Rule non-compliance has been chiefly due to the failure of Muslims to comprehend the Metaframework of the Qur’an and the Archetype Model of the Prophet Mohammad and interpret them in ways compatible with their own generation and time. Askari and Mirakhor believe these rules (institutions), properly adapted to prevailing conditions present what they consider as an ideal economic system.

This book explores how the recent development of Muslim countries as a group has fallen far short of non-Muslim countries, which, some have concluded, may be a result of Islamic teachings. The authors examine Muslim countries over time, viewing their progression on the Islamicity scale. They assess why some countries have done better than others, and to derive useful policy recommendations to improve political, social, human, governance and economic performance.

The extent of Islamicity, or what Islam demands, is measured to confirm that self-declared Muslim countries have not adopted foundational Islamic teachings for rule-compliant Muslim communities. Western countries, on the other hand, are demonstrated to have better implemented fundamental Islamic teachings for a thriving society.

Explaining how the price of aggression is low enough that governments do not avoid conflicts, this book uses examples drawn from recent conflicts in the Persian Gulf to examine many dimensions of costs incurred by warfare and proposes a private sector solution to warfare's low cost.

Explaining how the price of aggression is low enough that governments do not avoid conflicts, this book uses examples drawn from recent conflicts in the Persian Gulf to examine many dimensions of costs incurred by warfare and proposes a private sector solution to warfare's low cost.

The authors of this timely book investigate various forms and measures of corruption, examine whether corruption is more acute in Persian Gulf countries than elsewhere, and illustrate the unique forms it takes in oil- and natural gas-rich economies. They also analyze the major factors that promote corrupt practices and how they impact economic growth and social development. While corruption is globally pervasive and adversely affects the interests of citizens worldwide, it has perhaps received the most notoriety in developing countries that have an abundance of mineral deposits. Among these developing countries, the oil-exporting countries of the Persian Gulf have received a significant amount of this attention in the popular media. This book argues that for intergenerational equity to be preserved while exploiting oil and gas reserves, other forms of capital must replace their depletion to preserve a constant capital stock. Corruption, wasteful expenditures - such as spending on armament and war - and even productive expenditures - those that enrich individual segments of society - rob much of the world's population. The authors conclude the book by offering a radical solution for containing corruption in natural resource-rich countries. This timely and thought-provoking work will resonate within the academic and business worlds alike. Those interested in Middle Eastern studies, the Persian Gulf, multinational corporations, corporate governance efforts and private NGOs will find this book of particular importance.

The Persian Gulf is arguably the most militarized region in the world. The authors of this insightful book examine military expenditures, arms imports and military deployment to analyze how and why this came to be. Muslim teachings have much to say about peace, war and economics, and this book explores the ways in which Islamic thought affects military and economic developments. The authors find that heavy militarization is the result of a combination of factors, including oil wealth disparities among the countries in the region, high oil revenues, corruption and foreign interference. The authors detail and discuss these factors, and follow this analysis with an assessment of the effects of high military expenditures - wars, conflicts, regional instability - and their heavy economic toll in retarding development and growth. The book concludes by suggesting ways that military expenditures may be reduced to benefit regional peace, stability and economic prosperity. Scholars and students in economics, political science and international affairs as well as anyone interested in the Middle East will find this book timely and illuminating.

Hossein Askari argues here that economic and social failure in the oil-exporting countries of the Middle East is a result of much more than simply shortcomings in economic policies. He analyzes religion, corruption, instability, wars and foreign interference as factors affecting the region and offers solutions that incorporate Islamic teachings, regional peace efforts, market-oriented economic policies, sound institutions and unselfish policy support from the West. Middle East Oil Exporters presents a detailed picture of the economic structure and a critical survey of the recent economic performance of the Middle East. The focus is especially on the large oil-exporting nations, although the smaller producers are represented as well. The author illustrates how oil has become a crutch to avoid reforms, destroying the work ethic of the region, fuelling corruption and poisoning the social and cultural fabric of society to keep unpopular governments in power. In addition, he provides a view of the social, economic, and political implications of Islamic doctrine. In this context he examines the institutions of governance and determines that they have performed poorly, often in blatant violation of Islamic principles. This in-depth analysis is accompanied by a comprehensive prescription for a turnaround in the Middle East. Hossein Askari's unique and insightful critique is essential reading for students and scholars of the Middle East, as well as policymakers involved in the region. Executives of financial institutions and private corporations will also want to understand the region for their energy needs and as a market for their products and services.