Jan Willem Duyvendak

An in-depth analysis that demonstrates how and why there has been a resurgence of nativist logic. It was once thought that liberalism and globalization would consign nativist logics to the fringes of societies and eventually to history. But if it ever left, nativism has well and truly returned, spreading across nations, across the political spectrum, and from the fringes back into the mainstream. In The Return of the Native, Jan Willem Duyvendak, Josip Kesic, and Timothy Stacey explore how nativist logics have infiltrated liberal settings and discourses, primarily in the Netherlands as well as other countries with strong liberal traditions like the US and France. They deconstruct and explain the underlying logic of nativist narratives and show how these narratives are emerging in the discourses of secularism (a religious nativism that problematizes Islam and Muslims), racism (a racial nativism that problematizes black anti-racism), populism (a populist nativism that problematizes elites), and left-wing politics (a left nativism that sees religious, racial, and populist nativists themselves as a threat to national culture). By moving systematically through these key iterations of nativism, the authors show how liberal ideas themselves are becoming tools for claiming that some people do not belong to the nation. A unique analysis of the most fundamental political transformation of our days, this book illuminates the resurgence of the figure of the "native," who claims the country at the expense of those perceived as foreign.

An in-depth analysis that demonstrates how and why there has been a resurgence of nativist logic. It was once thought that liberalism and globalization would consign nativist logics to the fringes of societies and eventually to history. But if it ever left, nativism has well and truly returned, spreading across nations, across the political spectrum, and from the fringes back into the mainstream. In The Return of the Native, Jan Willem Duyvendak, Josip Kesic, and Timothy Stacey explore how nativist logics have infiltrated liberal settings and discourses, primarily in the Netherlands as well as other countries with strong liberal traditions like the US and France. They deconstruct and explain the underlying logic of nativist narratives and show how these narratives are emerging in the discourses of secularism (a religious nativism that problematizes Islam and Muslims), racism (a racial nativism that problematizes black anti-racism), populism (a populist nativism that problematizes elites), and left-wing politics (a left nativism that sees religious, racial, and populist nativists themselves as a threat to national culture). By moving systematically through these key iterations of nativism, the authors show how liberal ideas themselves are becoming tools for claiming that some people do not belong to the nation. A unique analysis of the most fundamental political transformation of our days, this book illuminates the resurgence of the figure of the "native," who claims the country at the expense of those perceived as foreign.

In the turbulent years of the 1960s and 1970s, France, like other European countries and the United States, was rocked by a new wave of social movements. The early development of a strong antinuclear movement during the 1970s made France the prototypical country for new social movements (NSMs). However, in the 1980s, these French NSMs experienced a strong decline. In this book, Jan Willem Duyvendak compares the surprising development of these NSMs in France—for peace, the environment, an end to nuclear technology, solidarity, squatters' rights, women's rights, and gay rights—to the development of similar campaigns in Germany, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. Although all of these countries share more or less the same economic characteristics, they have different political traditions. Duyvendak finds that by the 1980s, the new social movements were weaker in France because of France's tradition of "old" political conflicts. He concludes that because France was still beset with political splits between center periphery and urban-country as well as religious and class strife, the development of French society during the 1980s took place at the expense of these new social movements

In the turbulent years of the 1960s and 1970s, France, like other European countries and the United States, was rocked by a new wave of social movements. The early development of a strong antinuclear movement during the 1970s made France the prototypical country for new social movements (NSMs). However, in the 1980s, these French NSMs experienced a strong decline. In this book, Jan Willem Duyvendak compares the surprising development of these NSMs in France—for peace, the environment, an end to nuclear technology, solidarity, squatters' rights, women's rights, and gay rights—to the development of similar campaigns in Germany, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. Although all of these countries share more or less the same economic characteristics, they have different political traditions. Duyvendak finds that by the 1980s, the new social movements were weaker in France because of France's tradition of "old" political conflicts. He concludes that because France was still beset with political splits between center periphery and urban-country as well as religious and class strife, the development of French society during the 1980s took place at the expense of these new social movements

First published in 1996. This study is the product of a collaborative effort that has lasted for more than seven years. This is a project on the comparative analysis of new social movements in Western Europe.

First published in 1996. This study is the product of a collaborative effort that has lasted for more than seven years. This is a project on the comparative analysis of new social movements in Western Europe.