Kim Christian Priemel

At the end of World War II the Allies faced a threefold challenge: how to punish perpetrators of appalling crimes for which the categories of 'genocide' and 'crimes against humanity' had to be coined; how to explain that these had been committed by Germany, of all nations; and how to reform Germans. The Allied answer to this conundrum was the application of historical reasoning to legal procedure. In the thirteen Nuremberg trials held between 1945 and 1949, and in corresponding cases elsewhere, a concerted effort was made to punish key perpetrators while at the same time providing a complex analysis of the Nazi state and German history. Building on a long debate about Germany's divergence from a presumed Western path of development, Allied prosecutors sketched a historical trajectory which had led Germany to betray the Western model. Historical reasoning both accounted for the moral breakdown of a 'civilised' nation and rendered plausible arguments that this had indeed been a collective failure rather than one of a small criminal clique. The prosecutors therefore carefully laid out how institutions such as private enterprise, academic science, the military, or bureaucracy, which looked ostensibly similar to their opposite numbers in the Allied nations, had been corrupted in Germany even before Hitler's rise to power. While the argument, depending on individual protagonists, subject matters, and contexts, met with uneven success in court, it offered a final twist which was of obvious appeal in the Cold War to come: if Germany had lost its way, it could still be brought back into the Western fold. The first comprehensive study of the Nuremberg trials, The Betrayal thus also explores how history underpins transitional trials as we encounter them in today's courtrooms from Arusha to The Hague.

At the end of World War II the Allies faced a threefold challenge: how to punish perpetrators of appalling crimes for which the categories of 'genocide' and 'crimes against humanity' had to be coined; how to explain that these had been committed by Germany, of all nations; and how to reform Germans. The Allied answer to this conundrum was the application of historical reasoning to legal procedure. In the thirteen Nuremberg trials held between 1945 and 1949, and in corresponding cases elsewhere, a concerted effort was made to punish key perpetrators while at the same time providing a complex analysis of the Nazi state and German history. Building on a long debate about Germany's divergence from a presumed Western path of development, Allied prosecutors sketched a historical trajectory which had led Germany to betray the Western model. Historical reasoning both accounted for the moral breakdown of a 'civilised' nation and rendered plausible arguments that this had indeed been a collective failure rather than one of a small criminal clique. The prosecutors therefore carefully laid out how institutions such as private enterprise, academic science, the military, or bureaucracy, which looked ostensibly similar to their opposite numbers in the Allied nations, had been corrupted in Germany even before Hitler's rise to power. While the argument, depending on individual protagonists, subject matters, and contexts, met with uneven success in court, it offered a final twist which was of obvious appeal in the Cold War to come: if Germany had lost its way, it could still be brought back into the Western fold. The first comprehensive study of the Nuremberg trials, The Betrayal thus also explores how history underpins transitional trials as we encounter them in today's courtrooms from Arusha to The Hague.

"Der Flick-Konzern steht wie kein anderes Unternehmen fur die enge Verbindung zwischen Wirtschaft und NS-Regime. Sein Wachstum wurde wahrend des Dritten Reiches von kaum einem Unternehmen ubertroffen. Er profitierte in grossem Ausmass von "Arisierungen," war einer der bedeutendsten Rustungsproduzenten und beschaftigte zehntausende Zwangsarbeiter. Die Fuhrungsfiguren des Konzerns wurden dafur vor dem Internationalen Militartribunal in Nurnberg zur Verantwortung gezogen und verurteilt. Die Autoren legen die okonomische Strategie dieses Unternehmens offen, analysieren seine internen Strukturen und Lobbyingmethoden und konnen so zeigen, wie und warum der Flick-Konzern zu einem engen Partner des NS-Regimes wurde. Ein Editionsteil mit 47 Dokumenten erganzt die Konzerngeschichte." "Es ist das Verdienst der Autoren, dass sie keinen Zweifel an der Verstrickung und personlichen Verantwortung Friedrich Flicks lassen und das schonungslose Bild eines Konzernherren zeichnen, der bereitwillig mit den Nationalsozialisten kooperierte, um sein Unternehmen und seine Macht auszubauen." "Eine sehr materialreiche Studie auf hohem Reflexionsniveau." Christopher Kopper, Die Zeit 17.07.2008, Nr. 30 "Das Verdienst des Autorengespanns Johannes Bahr, Axel Drecoll, Bernhard Gotto, Kim C. Priemel und Harald Wixforth liegt allerdings darin, nun eine Vielzahl neuer Mosaiksteine zur Geschichte des Flick-Konzerns im Dritten Reich zusammengetragen zu haben." "Selten wurde eine Unternehmensgeschiche in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus so genau aufgearbeitet. ... Die Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz hat hier eine Dokumentation vorgelegt, die Pflichtlekture fur alle Verantwortlichen in Politik, Zivilgesellschaft und Wirtschaft werden sollte." www.ihre-Stiftung.de"

I 1914 stod den første store verdenskrigen for døren. De unge mennene som ble innkalt til militærtjeneste da, var gjennomsnittlig 10 centimeter lavere enn de norske soldatene som dro til Afghanistan drøyt 100 år senere. Høydeforskjellen er et uttrykk for én rød tråd i Norges historie fra 1914 til i dag: en voldsom velstandsvekst. En krevende sikkerhetspolitisk balansegang som et lite land i en urolig verden, er en annen. Kunnskap om historie er viktig for å forstå oss selv og tiden vi lever i. Norge, nordmenn og verden har endret seg dramatisk siden forrige århundreskifte. Det største partiet i 1914 er knapt over sperregrensen i 2025. Befolkningen er flerkulturell i en annen grad enn tidligere, folk lever lengre, i andre fellesskap, er mer likestilt og har et helt annet forbruk. Globale trusler og utfordringer er nærværende på helt andre måter enn før. Eller er de det? Norge etter 1914 gir en levende inngang til den nære fortid. Den gir oppdatert kunnskap om viktige begivenheter og lange linjer og engasjerende møter med personer som har preget det norske samfunnet. Norgeshistorien har særtrekk. Men utviklingen av hva nasjonen består i, hvem som inngår, og fenomener som demokratisering, migrasjon, kriger og kriser, finner vi også i andre land. Kunnskap om sterke og åpenbare likhetstrekk og forbindelsespunkter er nyttig for å forstå de viktige sammenhengene Norges historie er en del av. Derfor er Norges plass i verden, og verdens plass i Norge, sentralt i denne boken. All historie er preget av dem som formidler. Historikerne bak Norge etter 1914 innvier leserne i fagets sentrale problemstillinger. Boka er rikt illustrert og både historiestudenter og andre nysgjerrige lesere kan glede seg. Forfatterne er noen av de fremste på sine fagfelt: Einar Lie, Kim Christian Priemel og Hanne Hagtvedt Vik er alle professorer i historie ved Universitetet i Oslo. Christine Myrvang er professor i historie på BI.