Luis Martinez

During the 1970s, owing to their oil 'rents', Algeria, Iraq and Libya all seemed engaged in a swift modernization process. Oil was the godsend that would enable these states to catch up economically. Algeria was a Mediterranean dragon,A" Libya an emirateA" and Iraq the rising military powerA" of the Arab world. From a political perspective, progressive socialism suggested that profound changes were underway: women's liberation, urbanization, education for all, longer life expectancy and so on. A few decades later, the disillusion is a cruel one. The sense of wealth led these countries to undertake political, economic and military experiments that would lead to impasses with disastrous consequences that they are still trying to overcome. How did it all happen? Can these countries dispense with far-reaching reforms? Can the EU export its norms and values and protect its gas supply? The present work offers the first global approach to the subject.

During the 1970s, owing to their oil 'rents', Algeria, Iraq and Libya all seemed engaged in a swift modernization process. Oil was the godsend that would enable these states to catch up economically. Algeria was a Mediterranean dragon, Libya an emirate, and Iraq the rising military power of the Arab world. From a political perspective, progressive socialism suggested that profound changes were underway: women's liberation, urbanization, education for all, longer life expectancy and so on. A few decades later, the disillusion is a cruel one. The sense of wealth led these countries to undertake political, economic and military experiments that would lead to impasses with disastrous consequences that they are still trying to overcome. How did it all happen? Can these countries dispense with far-reaching reforms? Can the EU export its norms and values and protect its gas supply? The present work offers the first global approach to the subject.

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the Hispanic Caribbean was fundamentally a plantation economy dominated mainly by the world sugar market. The politics were shaped by revolutions, political coups, wars, and elections, resulting in an end of Spanish power, independent states, and the domination of the region by the United States. These developments led to changes in social values. The author follows these developments throughout the main Hispanic islands and provides a fascinating picture of a region in turmoil.

In 1992 United Nations sanctions were imposed on Libya after it refused to hand over for judgement in an international court two Libyan citizens suspected of involvement in the bombing of a passenger plane over Lockerbie in Scotland in 1988. The sanctions were not suspended until 2003, by which time Libya had undergone fundamental changes. After the sanctions were lifted, those changes accelerated rather than going into reverse. The newly militant attitude of the United States after the events of 9 September 2001, and the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, conveyed to the Libyan leadership that opposition to the West was potentially disastrous. Libya stepped back from the development of nuclear weapons and opened its economy to the West. Meanwhile Colonel Gaddafi, the leader of the Libyan Revolution, has found ways to consolidate his hold on the country. The author suggests that the future of Libya now lies in becoming what he calls-paradoxically-an authoritarian liberal state.

In 1992 United Nations sanctions were imposed on Libya after it refused to hand over for judgement in an international court two Libyan citizens suspected of involvement in the bombing of a passenger plane over Lockerbie in Scotland in 1988. The sanctions were not suspended until 2003, by which time Libya had undergone fundamental changes. After the sanctions were lifted, those changes accelerated rather than going into reverse. The newly militant attitude of the United States after the events of 9 September 2001, and the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, conveyed to the Libyan leadership that opposition to the West was potentially disastrous. Libya stepped back from the development of nuclear weapons and opened its economy to the West. Meanwhile Colonel Gaddafi, the leader of the Libyan Revolution, has found ways to consolidate his hold on the country. The author suggests that the future of Libya now lies in becoming what he calls-paradoxically-an authoritarian liberal state.

In one of the most fascinating books on the Holy Spirit ever written, Archbishop Martinez reveals to readers the secret of holiness, guiding us step-by-step to understand the gentle ways the Spirit acts in our lives, guiding us to the Father and Son--especially through the virtues of faith, hope, and charity. He then explores the seven gifts, which make us attentive to the promptings of the Holy Spirit; the consoling fruits of the Spirit; and the Beatitudes, the summit of the Christian life.

The civil war in Algeria shows no sign of imminent resolution. Yet little has been written about the conflict, its various participants, and the opinions of Algerians-indeed, even about what exactly is being fought over. Restrictions on movement within Algeria have severely limited the ability of foreign journalists to analyze these issues, and there has been a paucity of firsthand accounts of how the conflict has played out across Algeria. Now, one of Europe's leading authorities on contemporary Algerian politics has gained the kind of access necessary to present a clear, evenhanded account. The author interviewed residents in places in which few journalists have set foot: the impoverished suburbs of the major cities and the infamous "Triangle of Death"-the stronghold of the Armed Islamic Group and the scene of some of the worst carnage. Rather than presenting a historical account, The Algerian Civil War focuses on the strategies employed by the war's main combatants, seeking to understand the significance of the conflict to all parties embroiled in it.

Tracing the years, 1990-1998, this text asserts that the Algerian civil war has striking similarities, indeed continuities, with that of the Ottoman regency, the French conquest and colonial occupation, and the national liberation war. It sees the Groupe Islamique Arme's "Emirs" as the heirs of the Barbary corsairs, the chieftains of the colonial era and the colonels of the independence struggle's Armee Liberation Nationale (ALN).