Michael Haas

Eminent jurists, professional legal organizations, and human rights monitors in this country and around the world have declared that President George W. Bush may be prosecuted as a war criminal when he leaves office for his overt and systematic violations of such international law as the Geneva and Hague Conventions and such US law as the War Crimes Act, the Anti-Torture Act, and federal assault laws. George W. Bush, War Criminal? identifies and documents 269 specific war crimes under US and international law for which President Bush, senior officials and staff in his administration, and military officers under his command are liable to be prosecuted. Haas divides the 269 war crimes of the Bush administration into four classes: 6 war crimes committed in launching a war of aggression; 36 war crimes committed in the conduct of war; 175 war crimes committed in the treatment of prisoners; and 52 war crimes committed in postwar occupations. For each of the 269 war crimes of the Bush administration, Professor Haas gives chapter and verse in precise but non-technical language, including the specific acts deemed to be war crimes, the names of the officials deemed to be war criminals, and the exact language of the international or domestic laws violated by those officials. The author proceeds to consider the various US, international, and foreign tribunals in which the war crimes of Bush administration defendants may be tried under applicable bodies of law. He evaluates the real-world practicability of bringing cases against Bush and Bush officials in each of the possible venues. Finally, he weighs the legal, political, and humanitarian pros and cons of actually bringing Bush and Bush officials to trial for war crimes.

Motivation and Research Questions This work seeks to further our understanding on the management of innovations in network industries. Although the economics of network markets like telecommuni- tions, Internet, email, media, computer, and service operations in banking, legal and airline industries have become a major field of economic research; knowledge about how to manage innovation within these markets is less advanced et al. 2000: 793; 2003: 198). The goods and services of these industries regularly manifest themselves as complex system products, which are composed of multiple mutually dependent components and often supplied by different industries 1998: 691; TIDD 1995: 308). Innovation processes associated with complex systems products, therefore, display a systemic character and the issue of how to coordinate the diverse but nevertheless complementary inputs poses a major challenge for innovation management. The issue of how to organise complex innovation projects, however, is still open for debate: A broad range of organisational forms--e. g, vertical integration and TEECE (1996: 68), TEECE (1996: 205), and (2001: 227); decentralised networks--BRESNAHAN and (1999: 13-14); (1999: 162) and (1992: 310); proje- organisationsmHOBDAV (2000: 892) has not only been theoretically derived, but is reported as well in practical use.

Although Singapore's struggle for independence was led by politicians promising democracy, the leaders have sought to maintain power by reversing democratic practices and subverting democratic institutions. The case for Singapore's government today is based on economic prosperity that has raised the per capita income of the country into the top ten states of the world. The case against Singapore's government is that the economic policies have been copied from Hong Kong, the rule of law has become rule by political appointees, the free press has been muzzled, and the foreign policy is narcissistic in the extreme. The reason for the paradox of increasing dictatorship as the economy improves is the establishment of a mass society, that is, a society with few intervening groups or institutions between the public and the government. Although the government blames mass society on rapid social change, the authors in this book identify myriad instances when the government itself destroyed intervening social institutions and, thus, intensified mass society. This is an important study for scholars, researchers, and policymakers involved with Asia and the developing world in general.

The first comprehensive statistical analysis of human rights attainments and improvements over time, this book seeks to answer the question, Why do some countries better observe human rights than others, and what can be done to advance the cause of human rights around the world? Haas's data support his argument that economic sanctions against countries that violate human rights are likely to be counterproductive. When information flows more freely and economies are more pluralistic, competing political parties emerge, and basic human rights are increasingly respected. When liberal democracies have sufficient prosperity to adopt welfare state policies, women's rights are most likely to advance.

This book describes how institutional racism arose in Hawaii, why it arose, what kept it going, and how it can be dismantled. The book is unique in describing the history, statistical patterns, ideological disputation, and political underpinnings of institutional racism in a particular state, indeed one often thought to be relatively free from virulent forms of racism. The book specifically focuses on racial problems in regard to education, employment, health care delivery, and public accomodations. The book concludes that White-constructed institutional racist policies, practices, and procedures persisted even when political power shifted after statehood in 1959 to affluent Japanese-Americans, who used the same forms of institutional racism to hold back Whites and poorer non-White ethnic groups. Although affirmative action is often improperly thought to involve quotas and reverse discrimination, the case of Hawaii shows that institutional racism can be dismantled through affirmative action without lowering standards of education, employment qualifications, and health care, instead, standards actually improved the benefit to all.

Die Grundschuld wurde in den letzten Jahrzehnten zum nahezu alleinigen Sicherungsmittel des Immobiliarkredites. Infolge dieser im wesentlichen durch den Ideenreichtum der Kreditpraxis gepragten Entwicklung wurden fur die Rechtswissenschaft viele neue Fragen aufgeworfen. In besonderer Weise gilt dies fur die Rechtsfolgen der Abtretung von Sicherungsgrundschulden. Einem praktisch relevanten Teilbereich dieses Problemkreises, namlich der Frage, inwieweit dem Sicherungsgeber bei einem solchen Grundschuldubergang rechtshemmende Einreden erhalten bleiben, die ihm aufgrund des ursprunglichen Sicherungsgeschaftes gegen die Grundschuld zustanden, wendet die vorliegende Untersuchung sich zu. Ihr Anliegen ist es dabei, eine Antwort vor allem unter Berucksichtigung der gesetzesimmanenten Systematik sowie der - gerade im Sachenrecht elementar bedeutsamen - Ordnungsfunktion der Dogmatik zu entwickeln."

A detailed, scholarly reassessment of developments in Cambodia since December 25, 1978, when Vietnamese combat soldiers expelled the ruthless Pol Pot regime. Genocide by Proxy is an account of a country at war and of a people consigned to the role of pawn in world politics. Michael Haas contends that Cambodia became an arena for superpower conflict and thus could only find peace when the superpowers extricated themselves from the country. In providing perhaps the best explanation of the causes of the Cambodian tragedy, Haas exposes the narcissism that reigns when one state forces another to be its pawn. Haas' analysis entails a study in comparative foreign policies, an exercise that has theoretical merit for political scientists in search of paradigms of political behavior. Challenging the conventional view of Vietnam as the aggressor, this volume vindicates Vietnam's role in the Cambodian conflict, while at the same time revealing the treachery of U. S. foreign policy toward Cambodia. Much of the information in the book is based on Haas' own interviews with more than 100 key international figures and on primary documents. In an introductory chapter devoted to the basic facts of how genocide by proxy began, Haas sets forth the history of Pol Pot's rise and fall. The first three parts of the book, which deal with proxy war, proxy peace, and deproxification, are related in the style of the film Rashomon and detail how each country perceived events and framed policies to use the conflict for its own ends. The final chapter suggests an alternative to this world of superpower chess games. The two appendices contain records of voting in the United Nations on Cambodia. Genocide by Proxy provides a truly fresh assessment of Cambodia that will prove invaluable in courses in Asian studies, international relations, and peace research.

This provocative analysis of U. S. relations with Cambodia from the 1950s to the present illuminates foreign policy issues that remain especially pertinent in the aftermath of the Cold War, as we attempt to formulate new approaches to a changed but still threatening international situation. Based on interviews with more than 100 diplomats, journalists, and scholars who have been involved with the Cambodian peace process, Michael Haas' book brings to light new information on a complex chain of events and casts doubt on official accounts of U. S. policies toward Cambodia. Haas sorts through the tangle of misinformation, anti-communist hysteria, secret operations, and other policy miscalculations that he contends were instrumental in defeating the unaligned government of Prince Sihanouk and setting the stage for the Khmer Rouge takeover and massive slaughter in Cambodia. He examines the strategic assumptions underlying U. S. efforts to sustain the Khmer Rouge after its defeat by Vietnam in 1979, and the unraveling of that policy when the unilateral withdrawal of Vietnamese troops eliminated any reasonable justification for it. Haas attributes U. S. failures in Cambodia to a combination of the idealistic desire to remake the world in a democratic image, a belief in U. S. omnipotence, and the realpolitik tradition of using power to advance U. S. commercial and security interests whenever they seem to be threatened. Through the method of options analysis, Haas proposes a model of international relations based on self-determination and democratic principles. Urging reflection on the lessons of Cambodia as policies are developed for the 1990s, this book will be important reading for diplomats, policymakers, journalists, and academics with an interest in foreign policy analysis and conflict resolution, communism, and Southeast Asia.

While Europe has traditionally been the role model for international cooperation, this volume suggests a new highly successful mode. Using a flourishing operational code of diplomacy known as the Asian Way, Asian regional cooperation has gone even further to unite disparate countries for economic and political objectives. Culminating twenty years of research, this volume defines the Asian Way. It then provides details on fifty regional organizations in an effort to study this spirit of regional cooperation. Highlighting the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the author concludes that Asian international relations has been ASEANized and increased economic progress has been advanced in two decades through the application of the Asian Way. Examining in microcosm how nations conduct their foreign relations in Asia, this volume provides an extensive list of regional organizations. It details their organizational charts, provides membership lists, and reveals funding formulas and projects undertaken. The author explains how, through the application of the principles of the Asian Way, the countries of Southeast Asia have resolved their conflicts, harmonized foreign policies, begun projects of regional economic cooperation and ultimately advanced prosperity.

This insightful book shows how the cultural affinity among the island nations of the South Pacific, known as the Pacific Way, has led to unique regional intergovernmental organizations. In particular, Haas points out that the survival and vitality of regional cooperation in the South Pacific is pivoted on this peculiar cultural affinity. He claims that organizations who have not adopted the Pacific Way have collapsed, while those that embrace it survive and will continue to grow. This politically oriented book, which covers Hawaii and the island nations from Pitcairn Islands on the east to Palau and Papua New Guinea on the west, from Micronesia on the north to Australia and New Zealand on the south, offers a perceptive view of this much ignored region of the world. The Pacific Way examines specific organizations in this political culture, revealing how individual countries have developed common institutional arrangements in accordance with the Pacific Way. Haas starts with the organizing efforts of the colonial powers in the region, and goes on to provide a complete history of intergovernmental organizations. He offers pertinent information of the South Pacific Commission, ANZUS, and the South Pacific Forum. He fully describes the more technical organizations, including the Pacific Forum Line and the University of the South Pacific--providing both historical and contemporaruy perspectives. Finally, in view of the formation of the subregional Melanesian Spearhead Group and discussion on a possible Polynesian Economic and Cultural Community, The Pacific Way addresses prospects for integration of South Pacific regional organizations into a single coherent structure. It will appeal to students and scholars interested in political anthropology, theories of regional cooperation, and the politics of the region. It will also prove invaluable to business executives and foreign officials who deal with this part of the world.

A collection of original papers by distinguished scholars, this volume explores a variety of strategies for the reunification of North and South Korea, based on alternative theoretical approaches. Although many policymakers and academics have been pessimistic about reunification, each of the contributors here argue that reunification could be achieved through a realistic, long-term strategy. In presenting their individual approaches to the problem, the authors first adapt a scenario for the future and then sketch a step-by-step program aimed at bringing about developments that would invariably lead to some form of reunification. Students of Asian studies, international relations, and political science will find this an illuminating treatment of the issues involved in one of the world's longest protracted conflicts. The volume begins with a history of negotiations between North and South Korea on the question of reunification and identifies the political alternatives. The contributors then evaluate various proposals for reducing tensions on the peninsula, using both academic and practical approaches. John Galtung, recent winner of the alternate Nobel Prize for Peace, argues the case for neutralization, while volume editor Michael Haas explicates a functionalist approach that stresses cooperative activities. Oran Young presents a plan for graduated, reciprocated unilateral moves for tension reduction. Subsequent papers discuss the nonviolence, mediation, and domestic political feasibility approaches in turn. The book concludes with appendixes containing the latest plans for reunification proclaimed by both governments. With world attention once again focused on Korea because of the recent Olympic Games, the issue of reunification has achieved new prominence. This volume is a timely and important contribution to the reconciliation process.