Steven F. Hayward

Sometimes, reading the news, it seems we are drowning in a sea of risks. Every day, dozens of news articles proclaim some activity, some exposure, some change in the environment exposes us to new and terrifying risks. And every day, governments in developed countries pop out regulations to ensure that we make those changes in behavior to address those supposed risks, whether we want to or not. You probably think such claims, and regulation of risk are backed up by something resembling actual real-world evidence of harm. You probably assume that governments, when regulating, are relying on hard data: physical observations of exposures to a potential harm, physical measurements of harms that result from exposure, and that sort of thing. But if you assume that, you are probably wrong. Since the computer revolution of the 1970s, actual hard evidence of risk have been replaced, both in the estimation of risks, and in the regulation of risks, with computer models simulations of reality - that may have little or no relation to the actual reality in which actual people live. The book is about the influence of computer risk-modeling on public policy, specifically, the giant gushing fountain of EHS regulations that have poured forth since the 1970s. That shift to simulation of risk has led to a massive increase in regulation: a Plague of Regulation that rests on the Plague of Models.

M. Stanton Evans (d. 2015) was one of the unsung heroes and key figures of the modern conservative movement, offering a model to be remembered and emulated in both thought and deed. A person of extraordinary breadth, he combined the roles of journalist, first-rank thinker, and political action, often at the center of crucial events for the conservative movement from the mid-1950s to his last decade in the 2010s. He was the principal author of the Sharon Statement, the founding document of Young Americans for Freedom. Evans was also a mentor to an entire generation of conservative writers and journalists, including Ann Coulter, John Fund, Martin Morse Wooster, Tim Carney, Richard Miniter, William McGurn, and this author. Evans was libertarian in economics and policy, traditionalist in moral and social matters, respectful of religion, and resolutely anti-Communist. Over the years he wrote a number of elegant articles and one book (The Theme is Freedom) that reconciled many of the strains that often appear between these differing schools of conservative thought. He also wrote a controversial defense of Joseph McCarthy (Blacklisted by History), which is one of many examples of his fearlessness in contesting the conventional wisdom. Beyond his professional profile, Stan was also known for his ironic dry wit, which only came out in person, as well as his personal modesty and kindliness, and fondness for fast-food, sports, and classic rock and roll music trivia. He was “the conservative for the common man.”

This book is a lively intellectual history of a small circle of thinkers, especially, but not solely, Harry Jaffa and Walter Berns, who challenged the "mainstream" liberal consensus of political science and history about how the American Founding should be understood. Along the way they changed the course of the conservative movement and had a significant impact on shaping contemporary political debates from constitutional interpretation, civil rights, to the corruption of government today. Most importantly, these thinkers explain the deep reasons for patriotism, why we should love America not simply because it is our country, but because it is a free and just country.

This book is a lively intellectual history of a small circle of thinkers, especially, but not solely, Harry Jaffa and Walter Berns, who challenged the "mainstream" liberal consensus of political science and history about how the American Founding should be understood. Along the way they changed the course of the conservative movement and had a significant impact on shaping contemporary political debates from constitutional interpretation, civil rights, to the corruption of government today. Most importantly, these thinkers explain the deep reasons for patriotism--why we should love America not just because it is our country, but because it is a free and just country.

? Steven Hayward thinks presidents should be graded on their loyalty to their oath of office. Why, it’s just crazy enough to work!” --Jonah Goldberg Government scholar Steven Hayward is ready to debunk some of the biggest presidential myths Americans believe are facts. In Politically Incorrect Guide to the Presidents, Part 2, he traces the legacy of each president from Wilson to Obama and along the way reveals truths most Americans never heard. JFK was assassinated by a Communist. FDR had the right to run against Hoover. Wilson openly criticized the Constitution. And the 2000 election did, in fact, reach the correct outcome. Uncover new revelations about each President and prepare yourself for an unvarnished look at the truth.

What makes a president great? Academics, journalists, and popular historians agree: our greatest presidents are the ones who confronted a national crisis and mobilized the entire nation to face it. That's the conventional wisdom. The chief executives who are celebrated in textbooks and placed in the top echelon of presidents in surveys of experts are the bold leaders--the Woodrow Wilsons and Franklin Roosevelts--who reshaped the United States in line with their grand "vision" for America. Unfortunately, along the way, these "great" presidents inevitably expanded government--and shrank our liberties. As the twentieth-century presidency has grown far beyond the bounds the Founders established for the office, the idea that our chief executive is obliged to "preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States" has become a distant memory. Historian and celebrated Reagan biographer Steven F. Hayward reminds us that the Founders had an entirely different idea of greatness in the presidential office. The personal ambitions, populist appeals, and bribes paid to the voters with their own money that most modern presidents engage in would strike them as instances of the demagoguery they most feared--one of the great dangers to the people's liberty that they wrote the Constitution explicitly to guard against. The Founders, in contrast to today's historians, expected great presidents to be champions of the limited government established by the Constitution. Working from that almost forgotten standard of presidential greatness, Steven Hayward offers a fascinating off-the-beaten-track tour through the modern presidency, from the Progressive Era's Woodrow Wilson to Barack Obama. Along the way he serves up fresh historical insights, recalls forgotten anecdotes, celebrates undervalued presidents who took important stands in defense of the Constitution, and points the way to a revival of truly constitutional government in America. What you didn't learn from your history teacher but will find in The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Presidents includes: -Progressive hero Woodrow Wilson aired a pro-Ku Klux Klan movie at the White House -Calvin Coolidge, much mocked by liberal historians as a bland Babbitt, was the last president to write his own speeches, guided the country through years of prosperity and limited government, and was one of the most cultured men ever to live in the White House -Why Eisenhower's two biggest mistakes as president were, in his own words, "both sitting on the Supreme Court" -How, as president, JFK took mind-altering drugs, many of them prescribed by a physician he called Dr. Feelgood, who later lost his medical license for malpractice -Nixon's hysterically vilified Christmas bombing of North Vietnam in 1972 caused very few civilian casualties and compelled North Vietnam to negotiate an end to the Vietnam War -The "misunderestimated" George W. Bush read 186 books during his presidency, mostly nonfiction, biography, and history

As debates over climate change rage in Washington and American consumers become ever more conscientious about 'going green,' evangelical Christians are increasingly concerned about the proper relationship between faith and environmentalism. The notion of human 'stewardship' over God's creation could be a groundbreaking opportunity for cooperation between evangelicals, the scientific community, and environmental activists. However, a deep understanding of environmental issues from a distinctively Christian perspective will inevitably complicate partnerships with those who approach the subject from conventional secular viewpoints. Although there is some common ground, there remain important differences between Christian and secular perspectives on the environment. Are human beings merely one 'part' of the undifferentiated whole of nature? Or, worse, are humans a blight and a drain on God's perfect creation? Do we really 'own' the land we live on and the plants and animals that provide our sustenance? The answers to these questions begin to form a Christian approach to solving ecological problems. In Mere Environmentalism: A Biblical Perspective on Humans and the Natural World, Steven F. Hayward provides a thorough examination of the philosophical presuppositions underlying today's environmentalist movement and the history of policies intended to alleviate environmental challenges such as overpopulation and global warming. Relying on Scripture to understand God's created order, Hayward offers an insightful reflection on the relationship between humans and the natural world.

The Unexplored Connections Between Two of History's Greatest Leaders Ronald Reagan and Winston Churchill were true giants of the twentieth century, but somehow historians have failed to notice the many similarities between these extraordinary leaders. Until now. In Greatness, Steven F. Hayward-who has written acclaimed studies of both Reagan and Churchill-goes beneath superficial differences to uncover the remarkable parallels between the two statesmen. In exploring these connections, Hayward shines a light on the nature of political genius and the timeless aspects of statesmanship-critical lessons in this or any age.