Thomas Prosser

Many rail against ‘woke’ ideology. Others dismiss the backlash as a rebranding of conservative concerns. Taking a third way, this book argues that social justice ideology centres identity and direct action and expands concepts of harm, distinguishing it from liberalism. Drawing on the latest datasets, the book offers a sober, evidence-based account of the ideology’s emergence. As women and minorities have gained visibility and new generations have come of age, progressive ideologies have shifted under pressure. Post-2008 economic crises weakened liberalism, giving social justice ideology mass appeal. Amid polarized debates over ‘woke’ culture, this is a vital resource for scholars and students seeking an objective study of social justice ideology beyond the usual culture-war framing.

Many rail against ‘woke’ ideology. Others dismiss the backlash as a rebranding of conservative concerns. Taking a third way, this book argues that social justice ideology centres identity and direct action and expands concepts of harm, distinguishing it from liberalism. Drawing on the latest datasets, the book offers a sober, evidence-based account of the ideology’s emergence. As women and minorities have gained visibility and new generations have come of age, progressive ideologies have shifted under pressure. Post-2008 economic crises weakened liberalism, giving social justice ideology mass appeal. Amid polarized debates over ‘woke’ culture, this is a vital resource for scholars and students seeking an objective study of social justice ideology beyond the usual culture-war framing.

This punchy and provocative book asks a simple but overlooked question: why do we have the political views that we do? Offering a lively and original analysis of five worldviews - conservatism, national populism, liberalism, the new left and social democracy - Thomas Prosser argues that our views tend to satisfy self-interest, albeit indirectly, and that progressive worldviews are not as altruistic as their adherents believe. But What's in it for me? is far from pessimistic. Prosser contends that recognition of self-interest makes us more self-reflective, allowing us to see humanity in adversaries and countering the influence of echo chambers. As populist parties rise and liberalism and social democracy decline, this timely intervention argues that to solve our political differences, we must first realise what we have in common. -- .

This punchy and provocative book asks a simple but overlooked question: why do we have the political views that we do? Offering a lively and original analysis of five worldviews - conservatism, national populism, liberalism, the new left and social democracy - Thomas Prosser argues that our views tend to satisfy self-interest, albeit indirectly, and that progressive worldviews are not as altruistic as their adherents believe. But What's in it for me? is far from pessimistic. Prosser contends that recognition of self-interest makes us more self-reflective, allowing us to see humanity in adversaries and countering the influence of echo chambers. As populist parties rise and liberalism and social democracy decline, this timely intervention argues that to solve our political differences, we must first realise what we have in common. -- .

In this book, Prosser argues that labour movements respond to European integration in a manner which instigates competition between national labour markets. It bases its hypothesis on analysis of four countries – Germany, Spain, France and Poland – and two processes: the collective bargaining practices of trade unions in the first decade of the Eurozone and the response of trade unions and social-democratic parties to austerity in Southern Europe. In the first process, although unions did not intentionally compete, there was a drift towards zero-sum outcomes which benefited national workforces in stronger structural positions. In the second process, during which a crisis resulting from the earlier actions of labour occurred, lack of solidarity reinforced effects of competition.

In this book, Prosser argues that labour movements respond to European integration in a manner which instigates competition between national labour markets. It bases its hypothesis on analysis of four countries – Germany, Spain, France and Poland – and two processes: the collective bargaining practices of trade unions in the first decade of the Eurozone and the response of trade unions and social-democratic parties to austerity in Southern Europe. In the first process, although unions did not intentionally compete, there was a drift towards zero-sum outcomes which benefited national workforces in stronger structural positions. In the second process, during which a crisis resulting from the earlier actions of labour occurred, lack of solidarity reinforced effects of competition.

The 18th century was a wealth of knowledge, exploration and rapidly growing technology and expanding record-keeping made possible by advances in the printing press. In its determination to preserve the century of revolution, Gale initiated a revolution of its own: digitization of epic proportions to preserve these invaluable works in the largest archive of its kind. Now for the first time these high-quality digital copies of original 18th century manuscripts are available in print, making them highly accessible to libraries, undergraduate students, and independent scholars. Medical theory and practice of the 1700s developed rapidly, as is evidenced by the extensive collection, which includes descriptions of diseases, their conditions, and treatments. Books on science and technology, agriculture, military technology, natural philosophy, even cookbooks, are all contained here.++++The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification: ++++British LibraryT056802With a half-title. London: printed for J. Bew, 1777. 4],91, 1]p.; 8