Tony Wood

In the 1920s and 1930s, Latin American radicals engaged in urgent debates over how to combat racism, resist empire, and reimagine the nation-state. Drawing on a global array of sources, Radical Sovereignty reconstructs these transnational discussions that unfolded in such far-flung locations as Mexico City, Buenos Aires, Havana, Moscow, and Brussels. Energized by the Mexican and Russian Revolutions, communists, trade unionists, peasant organizers, and anti-imperial activists emerged from these debates with innovative ideas for addressing historical oppressions, including proposals for a pan-continental confederation and calls to grant black and indigenous peoples in the Americas the right to form their own sovereign states. While these projects did not come to fruition, they left an enduring mark on Latin America's political landscape, bequeathing approaches to race, ethnicity, and self-determination that have resurfaced in recent years.

In the 1920s and 1930s, Latin American radicals engaged in urgent debates over how to combat racism, resist empire, and reimagine the nation-state. Drawing on a global array of sources, Radical Sovereignty reconstructs these transnational discussions that unfolded in such far-flung locations as Mexico City, Buenos Aires, Havana, Moscow, and Brussels. Energized by the Mexican and Russian Revolutions, communists, trade unionists, peasant organizers, and anti-imperial activists emerged from these debates with innovative ideas for addressing historical oppressions, including proposals for a pan-continental confederation and calls to grant black and indigenous peoples in the Americas the right to form their own sovereign states. While these projects did not come to fruition, they left an enduring mark on Latin America's political landscape, bequeathing approaches to race, ethnicity, and self-determination that have resurfaced in recent years.

"Glory be to You alone, King who reigns from a manger throne." During the holidays, Christmas music is everywhere we go--on the radio as we drive, at the mall as we shop for Christmas presents, and even at home as we carry out our various Christmas traditions. But how often do we stop to really listen to the music playing in the background? Written by award-winning Christian songwriter Tony Wood, Manger Throne is a Christmas devotional to help you celebrate Advent. Each day thoughtfully examines lyrics from Christmas songs alongside Scripture and invites you to pause and reflect on the true meaning of Christmas. This 28-day devotional includes: Daily entries based on lyrics the author has written with or for well-known artists such as Michael W. Smith, Zach Williams, for KING and COUNTRY, and Phil Wickham, Scripture readings to help you meditate on the true meaning of Christmas, Written prayers to help jumpstart your conversation with God, Beautiful illustrations to accompany the text. This Christmas season, take time to reflect on the true meaning of Christmas and embrace the invitation to join the angels in worshipping our Savior.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia under Yeltsin and Putin implemented a political system of "imitation democracy," marked by "a huge disparity between formal constitutional principles and the reality of authoritarian rule." How did this system take shape, how else might it have developed, and what are the prospects for re-envisioning it more democratically in the future? These questions animate Dmitrii Furman's Imitation Democracy, a welcome antidote to books that blandly decry Putin as an omnipotent dictator, without considering his platforms, constituencies, and sources of power. With extensive public opinion polling drawn from throughout the late- and post-Soviet period, and a thorough knowledge of both official and unofficial histories, Furman offers a definitive account of the formation of the modern Russian political system, casting it into powerful relief through comparisons with other post-Soviet states. Peopled with grey technocrats, warring oligarchs, patriots, and provocateurs, Furman's narrative details the struggles among partisan factions, and the waves of public sentiment, that shaped modern Russia's political landscape, culminating in Putin's third presidential term, which resolves the contradiction between the "form" and "content" of imitation democracy, "the formal dependence of power on elections and the actual dependence of elections on power."

It is impossible to think of Russia today without thinking of Vladimir Putin. More than any other major national leader, he personifies his country in the eyes of the outside world, and dominates Western media coverage. In Russia itself, he is likewise the centre of attention for detractors and supporters alike. But as Tony Wood argues, in order to understand Russia today, the West needs to shake off its obsession with Putin and look at what lies beyond the Kremlin, to see Russia without Putin. In this timely and provocative analysis, Wood looks beyond Putin to explore the profound changes Russia has undergone since 1991. He shows that Russia is not strong but desperately trying to create a space for itself in an increasingly globalized and competitive world, Putin's reign is based on very thin ice; he is highly dependent on a small handful of powerful men who prop him up. Beyond the rich suburbs of Moscow, Russia is a country that is only surviving because of what remains of the soviet economy and culture rather than being held back by it. Wood reconsiders what kind of country has emerged from Russia's post-Soviet transformations. The introduction of the market in the 1990s was a failure than descended into kleptocracy. He shows that the revival of a new cold war is a myth. Russia's incursions into Syria, Ukraine and questions of collusion into western states are a sign of desperation rather than agression. Russia without Putin culminates with reflections on the paths Russia might take in the 21st century following Putin's re-election in March 2018. How will he placate the oligarchs who control the economy and how will he manage his succession, and protect his legacy?

It is impossible to think of Russia today without thinking of Vladimir Putin. More than any other major national leader, he personifies his country in the eyes of the outside world, and dominates Western media coverage. In Russia itself, he is likewise the centre of attention for detractors and supporters alike. But as Tony Wood argues, in order to understand Russia today, the West needs to shake off its obsession with Putin and look at what lies beyond the Kremlin, to see Russia without Putin. In this timely and provocative analysis, Wood looks beyond Putin to explore the profound changes Russia has undergone since 1991. He shows that Russia is not strong but desperately trying to create a space for itself in an increasingly globalized and competitive world, Putin's reign is based on very thin ice; he is highly dependent on a small handful of powerful men who prop him up. Beyond the rich suburbs of Moscow, Russia is a country that is only surviving because of what remains of the soviet economy and culture rather than being held back by it. Wood reconsiders what kind of country has emerged from Russia's post-Soviet transformations. The introduction of the market in the 1990s was a failure than descended into kleptocracy. He shows that the revival of a new cold war is a myth. Russia's incursions into Syria, Ukraine and questions of collusion into western states are a sign of desperation rather than agression. Russia without Putin culminates with reflections on the paths Russia might take in the 21st century following Putin's re-election in March 2018. How will he placate the oligarchs who control the economy and how will he manage his succession, and protect his legacy?

This indispensable resource, for teachers of pupils aged 7-13 years, consists of a series of graduated lesson plans aimed at improving children’s speaking and listening skills, their self-confidence and their motivation to learn, ultimately leading to better school performance. The scheme was developed and tested in schools during a four year period with over three thousand children and their teachers, and focuses on class and group activities that are enjoyable as well as instructive. All pupils are able to participate regardless of background, academic standing or facility in English, and the skills acquired are central to the National Curriculum for England and Wales Key Stages 2 and 3. Each lesson worksheet includes learning objectives, guidance on preparation and organisation, an activity guide, and follow-up suggestions, all presented in a clear and simple manner to lead the teacher step by step through the session. The materials are grouped into four levels of difficulty which combine to build a powerful range of abilities associated with persuasive and presentational speech, dialogue and debate, as well as developing the children’s command, use, and articulation of English. Each level consists of twelve starter lessons suitable for class-based group work, with sections preparing pupils for a variety of class competitions including public speaking, poetry reading and debating. The activities link naturally with other areas of the curriculum, and topics already being studied can easily be incorporated. In a parallel controlled research project highly significant gains in a nationally standardised test of non-verbal reasoning were made over a seven month period by children who followed the activities for one lesson a week compared to those who did not. These were well in excess of what would be expected for their increased age. Particularly high gains were made by children of lesser ability and those for whom English was an additional language. The improvements recorded were later confirmed by the schools’ own National Curriculum assessments of progress against targets, where on average the project children exceeded substantially the end of year forecasts made by their teachers.

This indispensable resource, for teachers of pupils aged 7-13 years, consists of a series of graduated lesson plans aimed at improving children’s speaking and listening skills, their self-confidence and their motivation to learn, ultimately leading to better school performance. The scheme was developed and tested in schools during a four year period with over three thousand children and their teachers, and focuses on class and group activities that are enjoyable as well as instructive. All pupils are able to participate regardless of background, academic standing or facility in English, and the skills acquired are central to the National Curriculum for England and Wales Key Stages 2 and 3. Each lesson worksheet includes learning objectives, guidance on preparation and organisation, an activity guide, and follow-up suggestions, all presented in a clear and simple manner to lead the teacher step by step through the session. The materials are grouped into four levels of difficulty which combine to build a powerful range of abilities associated with persuasive and presentational speech, dialogue and debate, as well as developing the children’s command, use, and articulation of English. Each level consists of twelve starter lessons suitable for class-based group work, with sections preparing pupils for a variety of class competitions including public speaking, poetry reading and debating. The activities link naturally with other areas of the curriculum, and topics already being studied can easily be incorporated. In a parallel controlled research project highly significant gains in a nationally standardised test of non-verbal reasoning were made over a seven month period by children who followed the activities for one lesson a week compared to those who did not. These were well in excess of what would be expected for their increased age. Particularly high gains were made by children of lesser ability and those for whom English was an additional language. The improvements recorded were later confirmed by the schools’ own National Curriculum assessments of progress against targets, where on average the project children exceeded substantially the end of year forecasts made by their teachers.

The Case for Chechnya sharply criticizes the role of Western nations in their struggle, and lays bare the weakness-and shamefulness-of the arguments used to deny the Chechens' right to sovereignty. Tony Wood considers Russo-Chechen relations over the past century and a half, as well as the fate of the region since the fall of the Soviet Union.