Yannis A. Stivachtis

The role of the European Union (EU) in global affairs has been extensively studied with various scholars identifying the Union as a ’normative power’, ’civilian power’, ’economic power’, ’imperial power’, and to some extent, ’military power’. There is a general agreement that the EU is an important actor in world politics but there is also a significant degree of contestation as to what instruments the Union should use to strengthen its global role. The purpose of this book is to offer an alternative way of conceptualizing and understanding the role of the European Union in world affairs. In so doing, it utilizes the theoretical framework offered by the English School of International Relations. By drawing on modern history and conducting a comparative historical study, it argues that the EU seeks to create and maintain a global order of its preference by resorting to practices similar to those utilized during the development of the modern global system. In so doing, it bridges the approaches associated with ’normative power’, ’civilian power’ and ’imperial power’ Europe.

During the nineteenth century first global application of international norms and expected standards of behavior took place through the process of the expansion of the European society of states and its gradual transformation to the contemporary global international society. In this process, the standard of ‘civilization’ played an essential role in determining which states would join the expanding European society and which ones would not. This volume seeks to demonstrate that although the historical standard of ‘civilization’ has fallen to disrepute, it still remains an international practice as well as a benchmark against which the attitudes and policies of states are assessed. Utilizing the theoretical framework of the English School of International Relations, the volume identifies ‘membership conditionality’ as the contemporary version of the historical standard of ‘civilization’. It discusses how it has been applied by various regional and global organizations thereby creating hierarchies within the global as well as the various regional international societies. This text will be of key interest to students and scholars in international relations theory, international law, international organizations, international political theory, European studies, and historical sociology.

The role of the European Union (EU) in global affairs has been extensively studied with various scholars identifying the Union as a ’normative power’, ’civilian power’, ’economic power’, ’imperial power’, and to some extent, ’military power’. There is a general agreement that the EU is an important actor in world politics but there is also a significant degree of contestation as to what instruments the Union should use to strengthen its global role. The purpose of this book is to offer an alternative way of conceptualizing and understanding the role of the European Union in world affairs. In so doing, it utilizes the theoretical framework offered by the English School of International Relations. By drawing on modern history and conducting a comparative historical study, it argues that the EU seeks to create and maintain a global order of its preference by resorting to practices similar to those utilized during the development of the modern global system. In so doing, it bridges the approaches associated with ’normative power’, ’civilian power’ and ’imperial power’ Europe.

The large and continuing refugee stream that arose from the long-lived Syrian Civil War that began in 2011 has deeply affected the politics and demography of the countries of the eastern Mediterranean. This edited volume assesses the politics of the recent refugee crisis from the vantage point of those nations shaped by it or whose leaders have explicitly sought to ameliorate it or use it otherwise to mobilize support. This book's chapters suggest that several cross-cutting themes or phenomena have played vital, if varying, roles in east Mediterranean government and popular responses to the mass displacement and migration prompted by the Syrian Civil War. First, they highlight the problem of alterity or othering as a central feature of these nations' reactions to the Syrian mass migration challenge. Second, human tendencies to xenophobia and fear of difference and change have played a key role in producing broad popular ill-will and government opposition to assisting Syria's displaced. Finally, these currents merged in each of the countries under examination, although at varying speeds and to changing degrees during the decade of the Syrian migration, to generate calls by many individuals within them that migrants and refugees constituted a security threat to be met with demonization and removal and/or with efforts to ensure they were kept 'at bay' at all costs. Edited by: Max Stephenson Jr. & Yannis A. Stivachtis Contributors: Renad Abbadi, Fatima Alzyoud, Sukaina Alzyoud, Evanthia Balla, Emma Casey, Muddather Abu Karaki, Erica Martin, Zeynep S. Mencutek, Neda Moayerian, Augusta Nannerini, Ayat Nashwan, Georgeta V. Pourchot, Alexandra Prodromidou, Dina Rashed, Dania Shahin, Dimitris Tsarouhas, Faye Ververidou

The United States is a global power with global interests and global responsibilities. The U. S. Army constitutes one of the means available to the United States to pursue and achieve its foreign policy goals. The end of the Cold War, and especially the events of September 11, 2001, have led to a redefinition of the U. S. Army's role. In this new environment, the purpose of the U. S. Army is not only to "win the war" but also to "win the peace." In this monograph, Dr. Yannis A. Stivachtis, an international security analyst who currently serves as Associate Professor of International and Strategic Studies at Virginia Tech, argues that due to the presence of several "weak" states in the international system, the United States needs to devise and employ strategies aimed at preventing and managing the outbreak of domestic conflicts that have the potential of undermining regional and international peace and stability.

The decades of the 1980s and 1990s represented the golden era of 'alternative security' reflected politically in the idea of 'co-operative security' and militarily in proposals concerning the adoption by states of 'non-offensive defence' strategies. Alternative security aimed at addressing the political and military problems in Europe created by the East-West confrontation. When the Cold War ended, efforts were undertaken to apply the principles of co-operative security and non-offensive defence in world regions other than Europe. However, political realities have prevented many states from adopting such policies and strategies. This volume seeks to provide an empirical contribution to the existing literature on co-operative security and non-offensive defence by focusing on the Greek-Turkish and the Arab-Israeli conflicts. It argues that for states living in what has been called the 'zone of war', the adoption of policies of co-operative security and non-offensive defence is highly unlikely and to a considerable degree dangerous. A set of conditions is put forward as a prerequisite for the acceptance and implementation of the above-mentioned policies by the states concerned. It has been written in such a way that it can be used as a textbook by students or anyone else interested in security analysis, strategic studies and international relations. It has been based on the idea that the three fields are so interconnected that any effort to examine an issue in the light of only one of these fields may seriously distort reality. The book can also be useful to those interested in the Greek-Turkish and the Arab-Israeli conflicts. It examines not only the issues in dispute but, most importantly, it points to the 'strategic' logic which underlines the policies and attitudes of the actors involved in these conflicts.

The book examines the validity of Hedley Bull's distinction between system and society and argues that the distinction is valid but the boundary line which Bull has drawn is problematic. The book, therefore, redefines the system/society boundary with reference to the mutual recognition of sovereign equality among states. By focusing on Greece's entry into international society, the book shows that the birth and development of international society have been determined by the logic of anarchy rather than the logic of culture.