Ted Tapper

Examining the history of access to private education this work sheds light on the interaction of state, society and schooling. Organized historically, much of the analysis concentrates on contemporary political struggles, and evaluates the possibility of a unified educational system.

This book examines the developments of the UK Higher Education system, from a time of donnish dominion, progressive decline and the increasing role of the market via the introduction of tuition fees. It offers a protracted empirical analysis of the seven new English universities of the 1960s: the Universities of East Anglia, Essex, Kent, Lancaster, Sussex, Warwick and York. It explores the creation of these universities and investigates how they each responded to a number of centrally-imposed initiatives for change in UK higher education that have emerged since their foundation. It discusses changes in system governance and how the Higher Education policies it generated have impacted upon a particular segment of the English university model. Divided into three parts, the book first deals with such topics as the control the University Grants’ Committee exercised in its heyday and how they initiated the launch of new universities. It then examines policy initiatives on governmentcuts on grants, research assessment exercises, quality assurance procedures and student tuition fees. The last part takes a broader approach to change by studying the significance and demise of Mission Groups, a changing system of Higher Education and more general changes regarding the state, the market and governance.

Much of our writing re?ects a long-term commitment to the analysis of the col- gial tradition in higher education. This commitment is re?ected most strongly in Oxford and the Decline of the Collegiate Tradition (2000), which we are pleased to say will re-appear as a considerably revised second edition (Oxford, The Collegiate University: Con?ict, Consensus and Continuity) to be published by Springer in the near future. To some extent this volume, The Collegial Tradition in the Age of Mass Higher Education, is a reaction to the charge that our work has been too narrowly focussed upon the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge (Oxbridge). Not surpr- ingly, you would expect us to reject that critique, while responding constructively to it. The focus may be narrow, and although the relative presence and, more arguably, the in?uence of Oxford and Cambridge may have declined in English higher e- cation, they remain important national universities. Moreover, as the plethora of so-called world-class higher education league tables would have us believe, they also have a powerful international status. This, however, is essentially a defensive response dependent upon the alleged reputations of the two universities. This book is intent on making a more substantial argument. To examine the c- legial tradition in higher education means much more than presenting a nostalgic look at the past.

The global economic crisis has required governments across the globe to reconsider their spending priorities. It is within this demanding economic context that higher education systems have been steadily restructured with in many ways the English model in the vanguard of change. This book focuses in particular upon the policy of removing almost entirely public support for the payment of student fees. This has emerged from a steady process of change, which has broad political support and is underwritten by the idea that higher education is now seen more as a private than a public, good. As this shift has occurred (not a new innovation but rather a return to what once prevailed as more of a market in English higher education) so the relationship between government and the higher education has evolved with the latter now attempting to steer the development of the system through a state-regulated market. The book has a strong comparative dimension that draws upon US higher education to illustrate both the possible advantages and potential hazards to the marketization strategy. It concludes that any such strategy needs to be accompanied by state regulation if it is to function effectively, particularly to stimulate price competition, encourage innovation from new entrants, and provide consumer protection for students paying high fees.

Oxford is one of the world’s great universities but this has not meant that it is exempt from pressures for change. On various fronts it has been required to meet the challenges that universities almost worldwide have to face. Given the retrenchment of public funding, especially to support undergraduate teaching, it has been required to augment its financial base, while at the same time deciding how to respond to pressure from successive governments determined to use higher education to achieve their own policy goals. While still consistently ranked as a world-class university, it has to decide how it is to acquire the funding to continue in this league, or whether this goal is worth pursuing. Oxford is a collegiate university, which means its colleges share with the University responsibility for the delivery of its central goals. Is this balance of authority shifting over time? If so, how is this to be accounted for, and what are the likely outcomes for the collegiate university? This book sets out to address these questions and arrives at an essentially positive conclusion. Oxford will continue to remain an effective collegiate university and, while its identity will change, its central character will persist.

Oxford is one of the world’s great universities but this has not meant that it is exempt from pressures for change. On various fronts it has been required to meet the challenges that universities almost worldwide have to face. Given the retrenchment of public funding, especially to support undergraduate teaching, it has been required to augment its financial base, while at the same time deciding how to respond to pressure from successive governments determined to use higher education to achieve their own policy goals. While still consistently ranked as a world-class university, it has to decide how it is to acquire the funding to continue in this league, or whether this goal is worth pursuing. Oxford is a collegiate university, which means its colleges share with the University responsibility for the delivery of its central goals. Is this balance of authority shifting over time? If so, how is this to be accounted for, and what are the likely outcomes for the collegiate university? This book sets out to address these questions and arrives at an essentially positive conclusion. Oxford will continue to remain an effective collegiate university and, while its identity will change, its central character will persist.

How has the system of governance changed? Do British higher education institutions still exercise autonomous control over their development as was widely believed to be the case but a few years ago? These questions are pursued through a three-pronged strategy. Firstly, to examine the institutional changes which have occurred since the 1988 Education Reform and the emergence of the funding council model of governance. In particular, we want to know how the various institutional actors – the higher education institutions, the government departments and the funding councils – interact with one another to shape policy outcomes. Secondly, to explore the political context within which these institutional actors have to work. This means examining the role of the political parties, policy networks and the parliamentary forces all of which have a major stake in influencing the direction of higher education policy. This section of the book incorporates the move towards political devolution in the United Kingdom and examines what is different, and what is similar, about higher education policy-making in Scotland and Wales in comparison to England. Thirdly, the book observes the process of policy-making and change in relation to critical issues: the funding of higher education, the research assessment exercises, the quality assurance regime, and the widening participation agenda. In effect it examines policy-making in action.

Much of our writing re?ects a long-term commitment to the analysis of the col- gial tradition in higher education. This commitment is re?ected most strongly in Oxford and the Decline of the Collegiate Tradition (2000), which we are pleased to say will re-appear as a considerably revised second edition (Oxford, The Collegiate University: Con?ict, Consensus and Continuity) to be published by Springer in the near future. To some extent this volume, The Collegial Tradition in the Age of Mass Higher Education, is a reaction to the charge that our work has been too narrowly focussed upon the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge (Oxbridge). Not surpr- ingly, you would expect us to reject that critique, while responding constructively to it. The focus may be narrow, and although the relative presence and, more arguably, the in?uence of Oxford and Cambridge may have declined in English higher e- cation, they remain important national universities. Moreover, as the plethora of so-called world-class higher education league tables would have us believe, they also have a powerful international status. This, however, is essentially a defensive response dependent upon the alleged reputations of the two universities. This book is intent on making a more substantial argument. To examine the c- legial tradition in higher education means much more than presenting a nostalgic look at the past.

How has the system of governance changed? Do British higher education institutions still exercise autonomous control over their development as was widely believed to be the case but a few years ago? These questions are pursued through a three-pronged strategy. Firstly, to examine the institutional changes which have occurred since the 1988 Education Reform and the emergence of the funding council model of governance. In particular, we want to know how the various institutional actors – the higher education institutions, the government departments and the funding councils – interact with one another to shape policy outcomes. Secondly, to explore the political context within which these institutional actors have to work. This means examining the role of the political parties, policy networks and the parliamentary forces all of which have a major stake in influencing the direction of higher education policy. This section of the book incorporates the move towards political devolution in the United Kingdom and examines what is different, and what is similar, about higher education policy-making in Scotland and Wales in comparison to England. Thirdly, the book observes the process of policy-making and change in relation to critical issues: the funding of higher education, the research assessment exercises, the quality assurance regime, and the widening participation agenda. In effect it examines policy-making in action.

For centuries, the idea of collegiality has been integral to the British understanding of higher education. This book examines how its values are being restructured in response to the 21st-century pressures of massification and managerialism.

For centuries, the idea of collegiality has been integral to the British understanding of higher education. This book examines how its values are being restructured in response to the 21st-century pressures of massification and managerialism.

Much has been written about higher education but very little about the organisations of the state which increasingly determine its destiny. Employing the theory of educational change developed in the authors' previous work, this book analyses the contribution each part of the state structure has made to the present condition of higher education. Beginning with the political parties and parliamentary committees, it shows how there has been a steady decline in support for the traditional values of autonomous university education and a growing belief in the accountability of higher education to the needs of the economy. It then proceeds to show how this ideological change was fostered by the DES and used to justify the development of bureaucratic mechanisms of management and control.