Congressional Research Service

This report provides references to analytical reports on cybersecurity from CRS, other government agencies, trade associations, and interest groups. The reports and related websites are grouped under the following cybersecurity topics: -policy overview-National Strategy for Trusted Identities in Cyberspace (NSTIC)-cloud computing and FedRAMP-critical infrastructure-cybercrime, data breaches, and data security-national security, cyber espionage, and cyberwar (including Stuxnet)-international efforts-education/training/workforce-research and development (R&D)In addition, the report lists selected cybersecurity-related websites for congressional and government agencies, news, international organizations, and organizations or institutions.

Kuwait has been pivotal to U. S. efforts to secure the Persian Gulf region because of its willingness to cooperate with U. S. strategy and military operations in the region, its location close to both Iran and Iraq, and its role as the object of past Iraqi aggression. Kuwait arguably became even more central to the U. S. ability to project power in the northern Persian Gulf when all U. S. combat troops left Iraq in 2011. Kuwait has helped Iraq reintegrate into the Arab world; it is supporting U. S. efforts to contain Iranian power and enforce Iran sanctions; and it is procuring missile defense technology that furthers the U. S. goal of a GCC-wide missile defense network. Still, as demonstrated by the Amir's May 2014 visit to Iran, Kuwait maintains relatively normal economic and political relations with Iran so as not to provoke the Islamic Republic. Kuwait is supporting U. S.-led efforts to defeat the Islamic State organization in Iraq and Syria by placing its airbases and other military facilities at the disposal of the U. S.-led anti-Islamic State coalition-even though Kuwait is not itself participating in coalition military operations against the group. Yet, U. S.-Kuwait differences have emerged over what U. S. officials say is Kuwait's inability to stanch the flow of private Kuwaiti funds to extremist Islamist groups fighting in Syria. Kuwait's government supports the Sunni-led rebellion in Syria with humanitarian aid only. On other regional issues, Kuwait generally acts in partnership with its allies in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). In March 2011, Kuwait sent naval forces as a largely symbolic participation in GCC military intervention to help Bahrain's government suppress an uprising by the majority Shiite population. Kuwait's leadership, along with that of Saudi Arabia and UAE, sees the Muslim Brotherhood organization as a domestic threat, and all three countries supported the Egyptian military's July 2013 removal of elected president and senior Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohammad Morsi from power. Kuwait has tended to defer to GCC leader Saudi Arabia and other GCC states in offering proposals to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian dispute, while expressing residual resentment of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) officials for supporting Saddam's invasion of Kuwait. Domestically, Kuwait's political system was in turmoil during 2006-2013, initially manifesting as parliamentary opposition to Sabah family political dominance but later broadening to visible public unrest in 2012-2013. Disputes over the ruling family's power and privileges produced repeated constitutional dissolutions of the all-elected National Assembly and new elections, the latest of which were held on July 27, 2013. The July 2013 elections produced a pro-government Assembly more amenable to working with the ruling family, ushering in a period of renewed legislative and governmental action on long-standing issues and an end to most public protest. Yet, the ruling family has not necessarily eliminated the causes of the unrest. Kuwait remains a relatively wealthy society, where most citizens do not want to risk their economic well-being to try to bring about the downfall of Al Sabah rule. The government has reduced unrest by implementing budgets replete with subsidies and salary increases, and undertaking some repressive measures such as imprisoning or revoking the citizenship of social media critics for "insulting the Amir." These measures have tarnished Kuwait's reputation as the most politically progressive of the GCC states. The years of political paralysis also have contributed to economic stagnation relative to Kuwait's more economically vibrant Gulf neighbors such as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

The Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), enacted in 1938, is the federal legislation that establishes the general minimum wage that must be paid to all covered workers. While the FLSA mandates broad minimum wage coverage, states have the option of establishing minimum wage rates that are different from those set in it. Under the provisions of the FLSA, an individual is generally covered by the higher of the state or federal minimum wage. As of January 1, 2015, 29 states and the District of Columbia will have minimum wage rates above the federal rate of $7.25 per hour, with rates ranging from $0.25 to $2.25 above the federal rate. Two states will have minimum wage rates below the federal rate and five states have no state minimum wage requirement. The remaining 14 states have minimum wage rates equal to the federal rate. In any given year, the exact number of states with a minimum wage rate above the federal rate may vary, depending on the interaction between the federal rate and the mechanisms in place to adjust the state minimum wage. Adjusting minimum wage rates is typically done in one of two ways: (1) 10 states have legislatively scheduled rate increases that may include one or several increments; (2) 11 states use a measure of inflation to index the value of the minimum wage to the general change in prices. In addition to the 11 states currently using an inflation adjustment, four states and DC have chosen a hybrid approach that provides a series of scheduled rate increases, followed by inflation indexation for future minimum wage changes. Thus, a total of 15 states and DC currently, or will in a future year, index state minimum wage rates to a measure of inflation. The remaining 25 states, some of which have minimum wage rates above the federal rate, do not have an adjustment mechanism in place. Because the federal and state minimum wage rates change at various times and in various increments, the share of the labor force for which the federal rate is the binding wage floor has changed over time. Since 1981, there have been three series of increases in the federal minimum wage rate-1990-1991, 1996-1997, and 2007-2009. During that same period, there have been numerous changes in state minimum wage policies. As a result of those interactions, the share of the U. S. civilian labor force for which the federal minimum wage is the floor has fluctuated but generally declined, and is about 39% as of the beginning of 2015.

An Intelligence Authorization Act (IAA) for Fiscal Years (FY) 2014 and 2015 (H. R. 4681) was considered in May 2014 and passed by the House but not by the Senate. Instead, both chambers passed, and the President signed an IAA for FY2014 (P. L. 113-126) in July 2014. At this time, an IAA for FY2015 (S. 2741) is under consideration by the Senate. If it passes, it will be referred to the House. This report examines selected provisions in the legislation (those summarized below) and provides an intelligence community framework in the Appendix.