Congressional Research Service

Family reunification is a key principle underlying U. S. immigration policy. It is embodied in the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), which specifies numerical limits for five family-based admission categories, as well as a per-country limit on total family-based admissions. The five categories include immediate relatives of U. S. citizens and four other family-based categories that vary according to individual characteristics such as the legal status of the petitioning U. S.-based relative, and the age, family relationship, and marital status of the prospective immigrant. Of the 990,553 foreign nationals admitted to the United States in FY2013 as lawful permanent residents (LPRs), 649,763, or 66%, were admitted on the basis of family ties. Of these family-based immigrants admitted in FY2013, 68% were admitted as immediate relatives of U. S. citizens. Many of the 990,553 immigrants were initially admitted on a temporary basis and became immigrants by converting or "adjusting" their status to a lawful permanent resident. The proportion of family-based immigrants who adjusted their immigration status while residing in the United States (54%) exceeded that of family-based immigrants who had their immigration petitions processed while living abroad (46%), although such percentages varied considerably among the five family-based admission categories. Since FY2000, increasing numbers of immediate relatives of U. S. citizens have accounted for all of the growth in family-based admissions. Between FY2000 and FY2009, immigrants who accompanied or later followed principal (qualifying) immigrants averaged 12% of all family-based admissions annually. During that period, Mexico, the Philippines, China, India, and the Dominican Republic sent the most family-based immigrants to the United States. Each year, the number of foreign nationals petitioning for LPR status through family-sponsored preferences exceeds the supply of legal immigrant slots. As a result, a visa queue has accumulated of foreign nationals who qualify as immigrants under the INA but who must wait for a visa to immigrate to the United States. As such, the visa queue constitutes not a backlog of petitions to be processed but, rather, the number of persons approved for visas not yet available due to INA-specified numerical limits. As of November 1, 2013, the visa queue included 4.2 million persons. Every month, the Department of State (DOS) produces its Visa Bulletin, which lists "cut-off dates" for each of the four numerically limited family-based admissions categories. Cut-off dates indicate when petitions that are currently being processed for a numerically limited visa were initially approved. For most countries, cut-off dates range between 1.5 years and 12.5 years ago. For countries that send the most immigrants, the range expands to between 2 and 23 years ago. Interest in immigration reform has increased scrutiny of family-based immigration and revived debate over its proportion of total lawful permanent admissions. Past or current proposals for overhauling family-based admissions have been made by numerous observers, including two congressionally mandated commissions.

The Export-Import Bank of the United States (Ex-Im Bank or the Bank), a wholly owned federal government corporation, is the official export credit agency (ECA) of the U. S. government. Its mission is to assist in the financing of U. S. exports of goods and services to support U. S. employment. The FY2015 continuing resolution (CR; Sec. 147 of P. L. 113-164) extends Ex-Im Bank's general statutory charter (Export-Import Bank Act of 1945, as amended, 12 U. S. C. 635 et seq.) through June 30, 2015. Previously, the charter was set to sunset on September 30, 2014 (P. L. 112-122). A sunset in Ex-Im Bank's authority would mean that the agency's authority to enter into new obligations generally would cease and a wind-down of operations would be required. (This issue is distinct from an "authorization of appropriations" expiring, which would not, in and of itself, terminate such authority to operate.)

This CRS Report, updated through the 113th Congress, provides an overview with analysis of the major issues in U. S. policy on Taiwan. Taiwan formally calls itself the Republic of China (ROC), tracing its political lineage to the ROC set up after the revolution in 1911 in China. The ROC government retreated to Taipei in 1949. The United States recognized the ROC until the end of 1978 and has maintained a non-diplomatic relationship with Taiwan after recognition of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1979. The State Department claims an "unofficial" U. S. relationship with Taiwan, despite official contacts that include arms sales. The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, P. L. 96-8, has governed policy in the absence of a diplomatic relationship or a defense treaty. Other key statements of policy are the three U. S.-PRC Joint Communiqu s of 1972, 1979, and 1982; and the "Six Assurances" of 1982. (CRS Report RL30341, China/Taiwan: Evolution of the "One China" Policy-Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.) For decades, Taiwan has been of significant security, economic, and political interest to the United States. In 2013, Taiwan was the 12th-largest U. S. trading partner. Taiwan is a major innovator and producer of information technology (IT) products, many of which are assembled in the PRC by Taiwan-invested firms there. Ties or tension across the Taiwan Strait affect international security (with potential U. S. intervention). While the United States does not diplomatically recognize Taiwan, it is an important autonomous actor. Today, 22 countries have diplomatic relations with Taiwan as the ROC. Taiwan's 23 million people enjoy self-governance with democratic elections. Democracy has offered Taiwan's people a greater say in their status, given competing politics about Taiwan's national identity and priorities. Taiwan held presidential and legislative elections in January 2012. Belonging to the Kuomintang (KMT), or Nationalist Party, President Ma Ying-jeou won re-election against the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP's) candidate. The KMT also has a majority of the seats in the Legislative Yuan (LY). Since Taiwan and the PRC resumed their quasi-official dialogue in 2008 under President Ma and cross-strait tension decreased, some have stressed the need to take steps by the United States and by Taiwan to strengthen cooperation to advance U. S. interests. Another approach has viewed closer cross-strait engagement as allowing U. S. attention to shift to expand cooperation with a rising China, which opposes U. S. arms sales to and other dealings with Taiwan. In any case, Washington and Taipei have put more efforts into their respective relations with Beijing, while contending that they have pursued positive, parallel U. S.-Taiwan cooperation.