Naval Postgraduate School

This book examines the increasing role and growing dependence on private military companies (PMCs) by the U. S. government, in particular, the U. S. Air Force (USAF). It highlights potential areas of concern when using PMCs to provide combat capabilities, and offers possible solutions for solving or mitigating these problems in future conflicts. The main argument of this book is that the role of PMCs has become blurred with traditional governmental unctions, and that their use in future conflicts should be evaluated based on monetary, personnel, and material savings for the USAF and its abilities to balance international and domestic political needs and objectives, while accomplishing its national security mission. This book will answer the following questions: How does the USAF use PMCs in aspects of control, oversight, and accountability during conflicts, and what are the main challenges for the USAF concerning contracting PMCs to provide combat capability?

Whistleblowing serves as a check/balance system to the government bureaucracy, helping to bypass administrative roadblocks and to provide a mechanism through which homeland security can monitor and increase efficiency in its operations. However, homeland security also deals with information that can be of a sensitive or secret nature, the unauthorized disclosure of which can cause damage to both homeland security efforts and national security. The current process for the authorized submission ofwhistleblowing information fails to provide whistleblowers the protections they require, instead encouraging whistleblowers to disclose information to the media or through stateless news organizations like Wikileaks to prevent reprisals. The technological capability to provide whistleblowers protections through anonymity currently exists, and has been demonstrated to be effective. By leveraging those technologies and setting up an authorized process for responsible disclosure, through which homeland security employees can submit whistleblowing information without fear of reprisals, it may increase the likelihood of whistleblowers reporting issues in the first place, and reduce the number of leaks to unauthorized recipients (media/stateless news organizations).

Identity management systems are essential to U. S. homeland and economic security. Systemic fragility has been exploited to facilitate terrorist travel and criminal evasion. The widespread dissemination and use of fraudulent identity documents exponentially complicates efforts to target terrorists and other persons who pose a threat to homeland security. Underage drinkers and illegal immigrants are common supporters and users of the fraudulent document industry. No single source can determine the net effect that these entities have in degrading identity system utility. Identity verification systems are large networks, susceptible to degradation, and vital to other sectors of critical infrastructure. Current attempts to analyze identity systems are segmented and fractured. Analyzing these systems as a comprehensive critical infrastructure provides a necessary framework of language and concepts that are familiar to policymakers. This thesis is focused on providing a thorough understanding of the vulnerabilities associated with weak identity systems and analyzing identity systems as a critical infrastructure.

This study examines the alleged assurances made to Moscow during German unification discussions in 1989-1990. Specifically, Moscow alleges that Western governments offered assurances to the Soviet Union that NATO would not expand beyond its then current borders if Moscow agreed to allow a unified Germany to join NATO as a full member. Since the first post-Cold War round of NATO expansion in 1997-1999, Moscow has raisedthe issue of broken promises made to the Soviet Union several times. While it can be argued that the Soviet Union had little choice but to yield to Western pressures, it appears that in 1990 some U. S. and West German officials gaveinformal assurances with respect to Soviet security concerns, including potential NATO expansion eastward. This thesis examines the hypothesis that the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany, and other NATO countries did not make - and did not intend to make - a commitment ruling out future NATO enlargement, but that Soviet officials got the mistaken impression that such a commitment was made. The study investigates whether this hypothesis is supported by the evidence and considers how the Soviets received this impression. The study also discusses the implications of these misunderstandings for NATO-Russia relations.

Terrorism remains a major threat to Kenya's national-security interests. However, efforts to combat the menace are hampered by an insufficient legal framework. Previously, terrorism-related offenses were primarily handled under the provisions of the penal code, with the result that offenders received lenient sentences or even were acquitted. On the other hand, efforts to formulate specific counter terrorism legislation in the past were met with criticism from human rights bodies, the clergy, legal bodies, and the public at large. This book examines the development of counter terrorism legislation in the Republic of Kenya. It evaluates the sufficiency of the criminal-justice system, the British legal response to counter terrorism as a basis for comparison, and current counter terrorism legislation. The 2012 Prevention of Terrorism Act marks a great improvement, especially in safeguards to the rights of persons and entities. The act, however, still leaves open the definition of terrorism and the appeals process for the proscription of entities. This book recommends further refinement of these clauses and the establishment of stricter rules, vesting power under the president and prime minister (similar to theU. K.) with cabinet approval

Turkish-American relations date back to the 1800s; however, they were far from well developed and did not solidify until the end of World War II. After an alliance of fifty years, the Second Iraq War indicated doomsday scenarios in terms of U. S.- Turkish relations in the minds of many scholars. The Turkish Parliament's rejection of the proposal of a second Turkish front forAmerican troops in Northern Iraq, as well as the July 4 incident in Sulaymaniyah in 2003, froze the dynamics of the relationsYet, when the history of the relations from the end of World War II until 2003 is examined carefully, it should be clear that every time there was a deterioration of the mutual relations, they were replaced a period of improvement, as the common interests of both countries outweigh the differences. This book aims to show that regardless of the level of deterioration, in terms of mutual relations, Turkish-American relations are inclined to improve. For this reason, it can be assumed that the deteriorated relations of the Second Iraq War will follow the trend toward improvement in the future.

Addressing American fear of discourse on faith, as indicated through evolving American faith narratives, is essential in effectively countering modern day terrorism and to sustaining and securing the republic founded upon unique and enduring democratic principles. This research explores American faith narratives and subsequent relevance to cosmicwar, the consequences of American reactions and perceptions to religious extremism, and the prospect, parameters, and purpose of inclusive faith discourse in the public square. Reactions and realities explored herein are framed through (1) American history of faith in the public square; (2) theoretical world views-how we know the enemy and know ourselves through Social Identity Theory and Positioning Theory, and (3) fear of unknown or uncomfortable concepts related to faith as evidenced through storylines inherent in American faith narratives. Influencing the globalperception of America involves imagining the possibilities to ensure that future generations are afforded the American tradition of opportunity and freedom. This involves aggressively initiating public discourse on faith based upon securing diverse religious freedoms and beliefs and democratic principles in such a way that American faith narratives position the United States as a positive global and social influence, thereby impacting the global terrorists' threat.

After the September 11 attacks on the United States, Albania, a majority-Muslim country in a region vulnerable to 21st-century threats -and at the time, a candidate NATO member-aligned immediately and publically with the North Atlantic Alliance to fight international terrorism. This decision reflected a process of political and institutional transformation in Albania that has important implications for both Albania, as a new NATO member, and the alliance, as it faces the counterterrorism challenges of the coming years. This book examines the effects of NATO policy and practice, throughout the accession process in the years 1994 until 2009 and later, in shaping and guiding Albanian counterterrorism efforts. The present project argues that this relationship has positive implications for Albania in the dimensions of international security, defense and military affairs, as well as domestic security. It suggests that in the future, Albania will continue to be a committed member of the Alliance, ready to play its role in fostering and extending cooperation with partner countries in the fight against international terrorism. The thesis concludes that the Albanian-NATO partnership in the fight against international terrorism also underscores for NATO the importance of developing partnerships to tackle international terrorism.

Since the end of the Cold War, the armed forces of the United States have increasingly been involved in military operations other than war (OOTW). Many service members feel these missions are contrary to the centralpurpose of the military and not in keeping with the reasons why they originally joined the service. Research shows that a mismatch job expectations and job realities can be a factor in reducing retention. Thus, the military's leaders have made a conscious effort to eliminate "message mismatch" and better align the words, expectations, and actions of their individual services. In doing so, they hope to create greater organizational credibility and personal commitment for their forces. The purpose of this research is to examine the general level of awareness, understanding, expectations and actual involvement concerning OOTW that exist among future naval officers at the United States Naval Academyand current junior officers. Conclusions about the possible expectation-reality gap among future naval officers concerning OOTW is explored. Recommendations for further research and implications for policy makers areoffered to possibly decrease the gap between service member expectations and the likely operational realities of their future service.

In order to best protect the nation in the twenty-first century, the national securitysystem must interact to its fullest capacity, developing a seamless transition between lawenforcement and intelligence efforts to more effectively address the threats of today andtomorrow. In today's threat environment, known state actors have been replaced byglobalized insurgencies, many of whom believe that their enemies are the United Statesand other western civilizations. Rules of engagement are nonexistent as civilians are asmuch a target as military and government entities. Since 9/11, these shadowy enemieshave continued to silently creep onto U. S. soil and lie hidden within U. S. opencommunities. As a result, today's national security system must do more. It must nowand forever ensure maximum and simultaneous leveraging of both its domestic lawenforcement and intelligence capabilities to guarantee quick translation of covertintelligence into action; thus, creating a more agile response and ability to keep pace withtoday's ever-changing threats. But arguably, restructuring the system to look different isnot a complete solution. As today's threats have evolved, so too should the securitysystem. In order to achieve the necessary reform, it is equally important that the securitysystem think and act differently through learning, unlearning and relearning (Toffler, year). Unquestionably, since 9/11, the threat environment, expectations, and margins oferror have significantly changed for all of the national security system players andstakeholders. The safety of the nation depends, in part, on how quickly and effectivelythis system responds to today's globally driven security threats with an equally proactiveand reactive response

There are some cases in which terrorists had second thoughts about harming other people. Their conscience, specifically their guilty conscience, forced them to reconsider their plan. This raises thought-provoking questions: are there other examples of terrorists pulling back from an operation because of their guilty conscience, and can countries take advantage of this phenomenon to reduce the prevalence of terrorism? This book will answer these questions in an exploration of how exploiting guilty consciences can be an element of a country's counter-terrorism strategy that focuses on the personal, psychological component of terrorism.

On 25-27 June 2012 the NATO Defense College, the NATO Nuclear PolicyDirectorate, and the U. S. Naval Postgraduate School Center on Contemporary Conflict convened a workshop at the NATO Defense College in Rome concerning the future of NATO's deterrence and defense posture in light of the decisions taken at the Alliance's summit meeting in Chicago in May 2012. Much of the discussion focused on the Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR) approved by the Allies at the Chicago Summit. Some workshop participants expressed reservations about a fundamental premise of the DDPR - that the Allies should define an "appropriate mix" of nuclear, conventional, and missile defense capabilities. Some participants argued that missile defense is burdened by questions about its effectiveness and cost, while "conventional deterrence" is threatened by cutbacks in defense spending in the current and potentially long-lasting financial crisis. In this situation, the Allies will be faced with the choice of continuing torely on nuclear deterrence or seeing deterrence undermined. Many workshop participants said that NATO's nuclear-sharing arrangementsremain important for deterrence and assurance within the Alliance. The life extension program for the B-61 gravity bomb and the modernization of dual-capable aircraft remain central issues for the future of NATO's nuclear deterrence posture. Several participants said that the DDPR's focus on nuclear, conventional, and missile defense capabilities was "too narrow" and that future assessments of the Alliance's capability requirements must take the cyber and space dimensions into account. Should the Alliance specify a threshold of damage that would provoke retaliation in these domains? Current U. S. policy has been not to specify "red lines" or possible retaliatory responses, in order to promote uncertainty in the assessments of adversary leaders. Participants agreed that strategic communication is essential for credibility and effective deterrence and crisis management, and some participants analyzed how messages may be misinterpreted by potential adversaries. Instead of identifying potential adversaries in publicly articulated threat assessments, the Alliance has opted to concentrate on "generic" scenarios and planning situations. The Allies have found this approach to be advantageous for Alliance unity and diplomacy, but some participants held that it may increase the risk of miscalculation. Several participants identified obstacles to negotiating limits on Russian nonstrategic nuclear forces - above all, Moscow's reliance on these weapons to support its security and foreign policy objectives. In view of NATO's previous unilateral reductions in non-strategic nuclear forces, participants expressed reservations about "lead by example" proposals for further unilateral reductions. The U. S. government has promised to make no further reductions in its nuclear weapons deployed in Europe without an Alliance consensus and Russian reciprocity. Participants noted the continuing tension between NATO's reliance on nuclear deterrence and its long-term commitment to nuclear disarmament.

This study tracks changing conceptions of the Crusades among Arab authors, from medieval through modern sources, examining how current emotionally charged interpretations of the Crusades came into the literature and how they came to resonate. This study shows that in medieval Arabic sources, the campaigns and settlement of the Christian Franks is not seen as a discrete event, and despite modern interpretations of a two-hundred year struggle between two sides, that the Franks are seen as just one more facet in the political scene of the era, often of less concern than "internal" enemies. Thestudy then tracks the introduction of the concept of the Crusades as a discrete event into Arab historical writing in the mid-nineteenth century via Christian Arabs working from Western sources and its gradual inclusion in Muslim Arab historical thought. Finally, this study examines modern Arabic interpretations of the Crusades, colored by current experiences and nationalist and/or Muslim fundamentalist thought

By 1778, the world's most powerful Empire had failed, for almost four years, to decisively end an internal rebellion in its North American colonies. This failure resulted in the escalation to a world war and the British submitting to defeatin 1783. What is of interest is not the international community's impact on the outcome of the American Revolution, rather how the British military continually missed the opportunity to end the rebellion in its nascent phase. Therefore, this research will explore the strategic interaction between the British military, the patriots and the American colonists to determine what British military commanders' decisions contributed to these missed opportunities, and the ultimate loss of their War for America. To illuminate what went wrong, this research will import the McCormick Diamond paradigm to sift through this field of history, framing the strategic decisions, the conditions under which they were made and their effects on the overall British effort to quell the colonial rebels of North America

In 2006, a coalition intelligence report was writing off portions of Iraq as being lost to the control of the U. S.-led coalition and the government of Iraq. Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQI)-a local manifestation of a transnational movement-was at its peak, while the U. S.-led coalition was attempting to remove itself from the Hobbesian violence raging throughout the country in the forms of a civil war and an insurgency. Yet, within a year, AQI was a mere shadow of its former self, rejected by the Sunni population and on the run, hounded by coalition forces. This book analyzes the many factors that contributed to AQI's demise. Beginning with the premise that Iraq's Sunnis and AQI developed along two distinctly different paths, this thesis traces AQI's demise to disparate cultural and ideological differences. With this rift in place, additional factors widened the gap between the Sunni and AQI, further accelerating the group's decline. This thesis then goes on to develop a theory on insurgent/popular alignment, offering insights into how insurgents build support with the population and how the U. S. Special Forces community can build popular support for Unconventional Warfare efforts as a third party to an insurgency.